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Trotsky's ghost wandering the White House
Influence on Bush aides: Bolshevik's writings supported the idea of
pre-emptive war

Jeet Heer
National Post
Saturday, June 07, 2003

(snip)

As evidence of the continuing intellectual influence of Trotsky,
consider the curious fact that some of the books about the Middle East
crisis that are causing the greatest stir were written by thinkers
deeply shaped by the tradition of the Fourth International.

In seeking advice about Iraqi society, members of the Bush
administration (notably Paul D. Wolfowitz, the Deputy Secretary of
Defence, and Dick Cheney, the Vice-President) frequently consulted Kanan
Makiya, an Iraqi-American intellectual whose book The Republic of Fear
is considered to be the definitive analysis of Saddam Hussein's
tyrannical rule.

As the journalist Christopher Hitchens notes, Makiya is "known to
veterans of the Trotskyist movement as a one-time leading Arab member of
the Fourth International." When speaking about Trotskyism, Hitchens has
a voice of authority. Like Makiya, Hitchens is a former Trotskyist who
is influential in Washington circles as an advocate for a militantly
interventionist policy in the Middle East. Despite his leftism, Hitchens
has been invited into the White House as an ad hoc consultant.

Other supporters of the Iraq war also have a Trotsky-tinged past. On the
left, the historian Paul Berman, author of a new book called Terror and
Liberalism, has been a resonant voice among those who want a more
muscular struggle against Islamic fundamentalism. Berman counts the
Trotskyist C.L.R. James as a major influence. Among neo-conservatives,
Berman's counterpart is Stephen Schwartz, a historian whose new book,
The Two Faces of Islam, is a key text among those who want the United
States to sever its ties with Saudi Arabia. Schwartz spent his formative
years in a Spanish Trotskyist group.

To this day, Schwartz speaks of Trotsky affectionately as "the old man"
and "L.D." (initials from Trotsky's birth name, Lev Davidovich
Bronstein). "To a great extent, I still consider myself to be [one of
the] disciples of L.D," he admits, and he observes that in certain
Washington circles, the ghost of Trotsky still hovers around. At a party
in February celebrating a new book about Iraq, Schwartz exchanged banter
with Wolfowitz about Trotsky, the Moscow Trials and Max Shachtman.

"I've talked to Wolfowitz about all of this," Schwartz notes. "We had
this discussion about Shachtman. He knows all that stuff, but was never
part of it. He's definitely aware." The yoking together of Paul
Wolfowitz and Leon Trotsky sounds odd, but a long and tortuous history
explains the link between the Bolshevik left and the Republican right.

To understand how some Trotskyists ended up as advocates of U.S.
expansionism, it is important to know something about Max Shachtman,
Trotsky's controversial American disciple. Shachtman's career provides
the definitive template of the trajectory that carries people from the
Left Opposition to support for the Pentagon.

Throughout the 1930s, Shachtman loyally hewed to the Trotsky line that
the Soviet Union as a state deserved to be defended even though Stalin's
leadership had to be overthrown. However, when the Soviet Union forged
an alliance with Hitler and invaded Finland, Shachtman moved to a
politics of total opposition, eventually known as the "third camp"
position. Shachtman argued in the 1940s and 1950s that socialists should
oppose both capitalism and Soviet communism, both Washington and Moscow.

Yet as the Cold War wore on, Shachtman became increasingly convinced
Soviet Communism was "the greater and more dangerous" enemy. "There was
a way on the third camp left that anti-Stalinism was so deeply ingrained
that it obscured everything else," says Christopher Phelps, whose
introduction to the new book Race and Revolution details the Trotskyist
debate on racial politics. Phelps is an eloquent advocate for the
position that the best portion of Shachtman's legacy still belongs to
the left.

By the early 1970s, Shachtman was a supporter of the Vietnam War and the
strongly anti-Communist Democrats such as Senator Henry Jackson.
Shachtman had a legion of young followers (known as Shachtmanites)
active in labour unions and had an umbrella group known as the Social
Democrats. When the Shachtmanites started working for Senator Jackson,
they forged close ties with hard-nosed Cold War liberals who also
advised Jackson, including Richard Perle and Paul Wolfowitz; these two
had another tie to the Trotskyism; their mentor was Albert Wohlstetter,
a defence intellectual who had been a Schachtmanite in the late 1940s.

full:
http://www.nationalpost.com/search/site/story.asp?id=EC4AD553-8A1D-4324-8D37-A99B2DFF9F85



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