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The below sent as just a warning fyi
Certainly the unity they recommend on particular campaigns and issues is
essential.
The political unity they want, however - i.e. explicitly refusing to break
with the DP -- is poison, especially right now when Syriza and Podemos are
setting an example precisely by making such a break with social democratic
parties.

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Portside moderator <modera...@portside.org>
Date: Fri, Feb 20, 2015 at 12:09 AM
Subject: Draft of an Eight-Point Platform for Making a Major Breakthrough
on 'Left Unity'
To: ports...@lists.portside.org


   <http://portside.org>
 Draft of an Eight-Point Platform for Making a Major Breakthrough on 'Left
Unity'
<https://portside.org/2015-02-20/draft-eight-point-platform-making-major-breakthrough-left-unity>


 Carl Davidson, Bill Fletcher, Jr. and Pat Fry
February 3, 2015
CCDS-Discussion - Organizing for a Progressive Majority
<http://www.ccds-discussion.org/?p=5120>

*Portside is sharing the following eight point proposal that was sent to us
by the authors, because it is part of Portside's tradition to promote
discussion and action by the left. We hope there will be a broad discussion
on this proposal, a discussion that involves the wide variety and
experiences of left activists and socialists today.*


Eric Garner and Michael Brown Ferguson protests in Seattle on
12/6/14., scottlum
/ Flickr // Mint Press News
<http://www.mintpressnews.com/MyMPN/content/uploads/2014/12/Black-Lives-Matter-cropped-scottlum-CC-NC-Flickr-800x344.jpg>,



*Introduction: *The following eight-point proposal is designed to initiate
both a discussion and a process. The points can be further refined, and
subtracted from or added to. Given the scope of the challenges ahead of us,
there is a certain degree of urgency, but it is also wise to take to time
to start off on a sound footing, uniting all who can be united. The main
things it wants to bring into being at all levels-local, regional, national
or in sectors-are common projects. Some of these already exist, such as the
Left Labor Project in New York City, a good example of what we are
advocating here. It brought together organizers from CCDS, CPUSA, DSA,
Freedom Road Socialist Organization, and other independent left trade
unionists and activists. Over a few years work, it was able to build a far
wider alliance bringing together the city's labor organizations and allied
social movements to bring out tens of thousands on May Day.

We know that many of us are already involved in a wide variety of projects.
But is there any compelling reason we have to do this separately, behaving
like a wheelbarrow full of frogs trying to win a common goal? A good case
in point is Chuy Garcia's mayoral campaign in Chicago. Wouldn't this
campaign be better served if we worked together in a planned way to draw in
and skillfully deploy even more forces? Or take the labor-community
alliance projects building solidarity for labor strikes or the campaign for
an increase in the minimum wage?  We can all make a long list here, but the
core idea should be apparent, at least for starters, and we invite your
responses and queries.

*1.  We need something new.*

The left is not likely to find critical mass through mergers of existing
groups, although any such events would be positive. But a new formation to
which all would be equally cooperative in a larger project-call it a Left
Front or Left Alliance-would have a greater impact. Groups participating in
it could retain whatever degree of autonomy they desire, such as keeping
their own newspapers, national committees, local clubs meeting separately,
and so on. Every group involved can exercise its own independence and
initiative, to the degree it finds necessary. But all would be striving in
common to help the overall project succeed. While the US situation is not
strictly comparable, the Front de Gauche in France, Die Linke in Germany,
PODEMOS in Spain and Syriza in Greece serve as examples.

*2.  We need a 'project based' common front.*

At the grassroots level, it would be comprised of joint projects-electoral,
union organizing, campaigns against the far right, for a living wage or
reducing student debt, for opposing war, racism, sexism and police
violence, and many others. The existing left groups in a factory, a
neighborhood, a city or a campus, would be encouraged to advance the joint
projects.

*3.  We need a 'critical mass' at the core than is both young, working
class and diverse.*

While people from all demographics are welcome, the initial core has to be
largely drawn from the Millennials, those born after 1980 or so. And the
core also has to be a rainbow of nationalities with gender equity, and
well-connected to union and working class insurgencies. If the initial core
at the beginning is too 'white' or too '1968ers', it will not be a pole
with the best attractive power for a growing new generation of socialist
and radical minded activists.

*4.  We need a common aspiration for socialism.*

That's what makes us a 'Left Front or Left Alliance' rather than a broader
popular front or people's coalition. We are strongly supportive of these
wider coalitions and building the left is not done in isolation from them.
But we also see the wisdom in the concept: the stronger the core, the
broader the front. Moreover we do not require a unified definition on what
socialism is; only that a larger socialist pole makes for an even wider,
deeper and more sustainable common front of struggle.

*5.  We do not need full agreement on strategy.*

A few key concepts-the centrality of fighting white supremacy, the
intersection of race, class and gender, the alliance and merger of the
overall workers movement and the movements of the communities of the
oppressed-will do. We can also agree on cross-class alliances focused on
critical targets: new wars, the far right and the austerity schemes imposed
by finance capital. Additional elements, perspectives, nuances and 'shades
of difference' can be debated, discussed and adjusted in the context of
ongoing struggle

*6.  We need a flexible but limited approach to elections.*

We can affirm that supporting our own or other candidates is a matter of
tactics to be debated case-by-case, and not a matter of 'principle' that
would exclude ever voting for any particular Democrat, Green or Socialist.
We see the importance for social movements to have an electoral arm that
presses and fights for their agenda within government bodies.

*7.  We need to be well embedded in grassroots organizations.*

Especially important are the organizations of the working class and in the
communities of the oppressed-unions and worker centers, civil rights and
women's rights, youth and students, peace and justice, churches and
communities of faith, cooperatives and other groups tied to the solidarity
economy, and other community-based NGOs and nonprofits.

*8.  We need to be internationalists.*

But we do not have to require support for any particular countries or bloc
of countries and national liberation movements, past or present. But we do
oppose the wars of aggression, occupations and other illicit interventions
of 'our own' ruling class, along with the hegemonism, 'superpower
mentality' and Great Power chauvinism it promotes. That is the best way we
can promote world peace and practice solidarity and assistance to forces
beyond our borders.

[*Carl Davidson and Pat Fry are national co-chairs of Committees of
Correspondence for Democracy and Socialism. Bill Fletcher Jr. is a member
of several socialist organizations and author of *'They're Bankrupting Us!
And 20 Other Myths about Unions' ] Comments can be sent to
carld...@gmail.com

          *=====*

There is already considerable discussion on this posting on a number of
websites and listserves, particularly here
<http://www.ccds-discussion.org/?p=5120>.

*Portside readers are encouraged to participate in this discussion, and
Portside will assemble and re-post this discussion. *

Portside in the past posted similar posts which provoked considerable
reader response:

Whither the Socialist Left? Thinking the "Unthinkable"
<http://portside.org/2013-03-06/whither-socialist-left-thinking-“unthinkable”>
(March 6, 2013)

Whither the Socialist Left? Round 2
<http://portside.org/2014-06-27/whither-socialist-left-round-2> (June 27,
2014)

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