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Will SYRIZA hold the line?
Europe's bureaucrats and bankers think they can crush the SYRIZA-led
government in Greece, but the party's left is resisting.
Lee Sustar looks at the dynamics of the battle.
Socialist Worker, U.S., June 2
<http://socialistworker.org/2015/06/02/will-syriza-hold-the-line>

THE EUROPEAN ruling class's latest push for more devastating austerity
in Greece could force the left-wing SYRIZA government to choose
between capitulation and confrontation--and the party's left wing is
calling for drawing the line, even if that means a rupture with the
European Union (EU) and leaving the euro common currency.
. . .
FOR SYRIZA's left wing, a break with the eurozone and the risk of a
split in the party are both preferable to the conversion of SYRIZA
into another pro-austerity party that capitulates to the demands of
Europe's rulers, betraying the hopes of its voters and dooming Greece
to even more years of suffering.

The roots of SYRIZA lie both in Greece's far-left traditions over the
last century and in the working class and social movements that
emerged in Greece over the last decade.
. . .
...the rulers of Europe have demanded that SYRIZA carry through
privatizations of government assets that it had promised to halt. The
government is also expected to cut pensions, weaken labor laws and
impose a stiff sales tax--moves that would further drive down living
standards.

What comes next is unpredictable. Under the IMF's rules, a missed
repayment doesn't automatically lead to a default as long as it is
paid in the future. It's also possible that a default wouldn't
necessarily lead to "Grexit"--an immediate exit of Greece from the
euro currency.

But with the ECB limiting credit to Greek banks and deposits in those
banks--already 40 percent below 2010 levels--continuing to decline,
it's entirely possible that the banking operations could seize up,
forcing a sudden and accidental exit from the euro--a "Graccident."
. . .
Driving all this is Germany, which, behind the façade of European
federalism, has imposed an imperialist hierarchy that allows it to not
only dominate small countries like Greece, but push around bigger ones
like France, Italy and Spain.

Greece's agony serves Germany's economic and political goals
splendidly. Because the euro trades on the market for much less than
what the old German deutschmark would, the common currency gives
Germany a tremendous advantage as an exporter, both within and beyond
the eurozone and the EU. In 2014, Germany ran a current accounts
surplus--the net value of all goods and services traded and financial
flows--of $244 billion. That's a big jump from $206.75 billion the
previous year, despite the depressed European economy. The 2014 total
amount is the equivalent to 7.4 percent of German GDP--and much bigger
than China's $193 billion surplus.

Thus, for Germany and its closest allies, the eurozone setup is highly
beneficial. In their view, if the mass of the population in Greece has
to endure endless misery in order to discipline the rest of Europe,
than so be it.

Such policies are nothing new in developing countries in Africa, Latin
America or Asia, where IMF-sponsored "structural adjustment" programs
have periodically imposed austerity in order to facilitate debt
repayment and free-market "reforms." What's different today is that
these programs have come to Europe itself.

What's also different, of course, is that SYRIZA was elected by one of
the most combative and radicalized working classes of Europe, with an
experience of huge struggles against just such policies.

Now comes a critical moment in that living history. The stand by
SYRIZA's left wing against further concessions to the austerity agenda
urgently needs our support and solidarity.

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