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Documenting U.S. Role in Democracy’s Fall and Dictator’s Rise in Chile

By Pascale Bonnefoy - OCT. 14, 2017

SANTIAGO, Chile — An old rotary phone rings insistently.

Visitors at a new exhibition at the Museum of Memory and Human Rights here
in Santiago who pick up the receiver hear two men complain bitterly about
the liberal news media “bleating” over the military coup that had toppled
Salvador Allende, the Socialist president of Chile, five days earlier.

“Our hand doesn’t show on this one, though,” one says.

“We didn’t do it,” the other responds. “I mean, we helped them.”

The conversation took place on a Sunday morning in September 1973 between
former President Richard M. Nixon and his national security adviser, Henry
Kissinger. The two men were discussing football — and the violent overthrow
of a democratically elected government 5,000 miles away with their
assistance.

For the exhibition, two Spanish-speaking actors re-enacted the taped phone
call based on a declassified transcript.

The chance to listen in on the call is part of “Secrets of State: The
Declassified History of the Chilean Dictatorship
<https://ww3.museodelamemoria.cl/exposiciones/secretos-de-estado-la-historia-desclasificada-de-la-dictadura-chilena-1970-1989/>,”
an exhibition that offers visitors an immersive experience of Washington’s
intervention in Chile and its 17-year relationship with the military
dictatorship of Gen. Augusto Pinochet.

An enlarged and dramatically lit document sets the tone at the entrance. It
is a presidential daily brief dated Sept. 11, 1973, the day of the coup.
Its paragraphs are entirely redacted, every word blacked out.

A dimly lit underground gallery guides visitors through a maze of documents
— presidential briefings, intelligence reports, cables and memos — that
describe secret operations and intelligence gathering carried out in Chile
by the United States from the Nixon years through the Reagan presidency.

 “There is an arc of history that is very dramatic when you put these
documents together,” said Peter Kornbluh, the exhibition’s curator who is a
senior analyst at the National Security Archive in Washington and director
of its Chile Documentation Project
<http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/project/chile-documentation-project>. “They have
provided revelations and made headlines, they have been used as evidence in
human rights prosecutions, and now they are contributing to the verdict of
history.”

On view are documents revealing secret exchanges about how to prevent
Chile’s Congress from ratifying the Allende victory in 1970, plans for
covert operations to destabilize his government and reports about a Chilean
military officer informing the United States government of the coming coup
and requesting assistance.

There is a cable from the Central Intelligence Agency to its officers in
Santiago after a failed operation in October 1970 to prevent Allende from
assuming office, which he did that November. The C.I.A. provided weapons
for the plan, which resulted in the killing of the commander in chief of
the army, Gen. René Schneider, and the agency later sent money to help some
of the plotters flee the country.

“The station has done an excellent job of guiding Chileans to a point today
where a military solution is at least an option for them,” the cable says,
commending the officers, even though their plot was foiled.

The exhibition includes only a small sample of the 23,000 documents on
Chile that the Clinton administration declassified between 1999 and 2000 in
response to international requests for evidence on Pinochet’s crimes. The
former Chilean dictator was arrested in London in October 1998 and awaited
extradition to Spain to face trial on charges of human rights abuses during
his rule.
As several other European countries also sought Pinochet’s extradition
based on the principle of universal jurisdiction, Mr. Kornbluh, the
curator, led a campaign to persuade the White House to release classified
records that could serve in an eventual trial against the general.

Documents on Chile from 1968 to 1991 from seven United States government
agencies, some of them heavily redacted, were released as part of the State
Department’s Chile Declassification Project
<https://foia.state.gov/Search/Collections.aspx>. Most were declassified
months after Pinochet was sent home from London for humanitarian reasons,
but just in time to contribute to new judicial investigations in Chile.

The documents have been used as evidence in several human rights inquiries
involving American victims, including the 1973 killings
<http://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/01/world/americas/chilean-court-rules-us-had-role-in-murders.html?ref=world&_r=1>
in
Chile of Frank Teruggi and Charles Horman
<http://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/01/world/americas/chilean-court-rules-us-had-role-in-murders.html?ref=world&_r=1>;
the 1976 car bomb assassination
<https://www.nytimes.com/2015/10/10/world/americas/cia-believed-pinochet-ordered-1976-assassination-in-us-memo-reveals.html?mcubz=0>
of
Orlando Letelier, a foreign minister and defense minister in the Allende
administration, and his American colleague, Ronni Karpen Moffitt, in
Washington; the 1985 disappearance in Chile of Boris Weisfeiler
<https://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/11/world/americas/chile-halts-inquiry-on-american-who-disappeared-31-years-ago.html>,
an American professor; and the killing of Rodrigo Rojas
<https://www.nytimes.com/2015/07/22/world/americas/officers-ordered-arrested-in-1986-burning-death-of-us-student-in-chile.html>,
a Chilean-born United States citizen who was burned alive by soldiers in
Chile in 1986.

They have also shed light on Operation Condo
<http://www.nytimes.com/2001/03/06/world/new-files-tie-us-to-deaths-of-latin-leftists-in-1970-s.html>r,
a network of South American intelligence services in the 1970s and ’80s
that shared information, traded prisoners and orchestrated assassinations
abroad. The head of DINA, Chile’s clandestine intelligence agency, Gen.
Manuel Contreras <http://nyti.ms/1NhYVdV>, was the mastermind behind
Condor, and hosted an inaugural meeting in November 1975 in Santiago.

In the exhibition, the seats at a rectangular table bear the names of the
intelligence chiefs of Argentina, Bolivia, Paraguay, Uruguay and Chile who
attended Operation Condor’s first meeting. A layer of earth covers the
table, and brushes are provided for visitors to reveal what is beneath: the
names of Condor victims, many of whom vanished without a trace.

Nearby, copies of the front pages of dozens of newspapers from the Pinochet
era hang from a panel simulating a kiosk. They were all published by the
conservative media empire El Mercurio, which received at least $2 million
from the C.I.A.

The records in the exhibition also profile Pinochet, trace intelligence
gathering on brutal state-sponsored repression and detail how the Reagan
government abandoned Pinochet to his fate in 1988, fearing a further
radicalization of the opposition.

“These documents have helped us rewrite Chile’s contemporary history,” said
Francisco Estévez, director of the museum. “This exhibit is a victory in
the fight against negationism, the efforts to deny and relativize what
happened during our dictatorship.”

The Memory and Human Rights Museum <https://ww3.museodelamemoria.cl/> opened
in 2010 during the first term of President Michelle Bachelet and offers a
chronological reconstruction of the 17-year Pinochet government through
artifacts, recordings, letters, videos, photographs, artwork and other
material. About 150,000 people visit the museum annually, a third of them
groups of students, Mr. Estévez said.

The National Security Archive donated a selection of 3,000 declassified
documents to the museum several years ago, while the State Department
provided the Chilean government with copies of the entire collection.
Chileans, however, have rarely seen them.

 “To see on a piece of paper, for example, the president of the United
States ordering the C.I.A. to preemptively overthrow a democratically
elected president in Chile is stunning,” Mr. Kornbluh said. “The importance
of having these documents in the museum is for the new generations of
Chileans to actually see them.”

https://www.nytimes.com/2017/10/14/world/americas/chile-coup-cia-museum.html?_r=0
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