In his latest emasculation of Marx’s ideas, Jscotlive (J) after running the 
usual script on the dialectic, which as far as it goes might have been
written by the old Jozef himself, throws this little beauty in for good measure:

 

“And
here we return to the objective behind Sartesian's mish-mash of a  

theory - an attempt to erect an argument in support of his desire to
withhold  

solidarity from oppressed peoples and nations lying in the crosshairs of  our 

respective ruling classes in the West. Why? As far as I can see, because in 

 his estimation they fail to pass his
checklist of approval - namely, the 

fact  they do not subscribe to his notion
of a pure, secular, socialist, and 

clean  resistance. Another name for this
condition is 'buckling under the 

pressure of our own bourgeoisie'. Yes, Sartesian, I feel your pain. It's hard to
argue support for those recalcitrant Palestinians of Gaza with our 

liberal friends and work colleagues.

 

Poor us.

 

Poor, poor us.”

 

 

I
would, if I had time to indulge in rewriting the many ways in which Marx
explains how abstraction is in a double sense the real ‘ground’ and mental
result of the ideological distortion which a consciousness must impose on
itself under the fetishism of commodities, elaborate a critique of each falsely
conscious epithet J instantiates with his modicum out-of-context idealizations.
Let me make one point as an example. J posits the existence of a “positive” and
a “negative”,

 

“Sartesian:

 

The central issue for me in the previous round of discussions is those  

notions that: somehow "dialectic" means that there is "positive" and  

"negative" in everything; 

 

Reply:

 

Correct. Well done. Finally you get it.”

 

 

If
there is positive there MUST be negative, so that reality is determined by a
logic, and not the other way around, viz. not the way in which the working up
of concepts is an ideal reproduction of the object following the object’s own 
necessity,
as Marx, Engels and also Lenin took pains to demonstrate; this is where the
dialectical method supersedes the limitations of formal logic and not as some
yin-yang mirage.

 

Marx,
in his ‘critique of Hegel’s philosophy as a whole’ in the 1844 manuscripts is
unequivocal:

 

“When,
for instance, wealth, state-power, etc., are understood by Hegel as entities
estranged from the human being, this only happens in their form as thoughts ...
They are thought-entities, and therefore merely an estrangement of pure, i.e.,
abstract, philosophical thinking. The whole process therefore ends with
absolute knowledge. It is precisely abstract thought from which these objects
are estranged and which they confront with their presumption of reality. The
philosopher – who is himself an abstract form of estranged man – takes himself
as the criterion of the estranged world. The whole history of the alienation
process [Entäußerungsgeschichte] and the whole process of the retraction of the
alienation is therefore nothing but the history of the production of abstract
(i.e., absolute) thought – of LOGICAL, speculative thought.”

 

And
again in ‘the method of political economy’ he explains:

 

"Therefore, to the kind of consciousness – and this is
characteristic of the philosophical consciousness – for which conceptual
thinking is the real human being, and for which the conceptual world as such is
thus the only reality, the movement of the categories appears as the real act
of production – which only, unfortunately, receives a jolt from the outside –
whose product is the world; and – but this is again a tautology [SIC] – this is
correct in so far as the concrete totality is a totality of thoughts, concrete
in thought, in fact a product of thinking and comprehending; but not in any way
a product of the concept which thinks and generates itself outside or above
observation and conception; a product, rather, of the working-up of observation
and conception into concepts. The totality as it appears in the head, as a
totality of thoughts, is a product of a thinking head, which appropriates the
world in the only way it can, a way different from the artistic, religious,
practical and mental appropriation of this world. The real subject retains its
autonomous existence outside the head just as before; namely as long as the
head’s conduct is merely speculative, merely theoretical. Hence, in the
theoretical method, too, the subject, society, must always be kept in mind as 
the
presupposition."

At the root of J’s politics we can then find the (hypostasized)
LOGIC of imperialism: we must either resist or succumb to our own imperialist
bourgeoisie, because you see the “underdeveloped” capitalism of countries under
the threat of imperialist attack (they are not underdeveloped; in Argentina,
where I come from, capitalist relations are fully developed, what one has is a
smaller concentration and centralization of capital) somehow is not so
dependent on exploitation. Leaving aside the problems that I find with Lenin’s
Imperialism and monopoly capitalism, J’s whole argument, which I’ve been
following in the thread ‘Iran: whose side are you on?’, deforms into an
apologetic seeking to supplant reasoned analysis with prostituted nationalist 
3rd
worldism, leading to the worst possible illusions. In this fantasy world, if we
wanted to build a movement against the occupation of Iraq we would have to write
a blank check to the eastern oppressed nation of China, which is to say, the CCP
party bureaucracy which oppresses the Chinese working class, and forget that it
is the main financier of the whole operation. In short, it isn’t social being
which determines consciousness but the Nation’s consciousness which determines 
social
being.

But even worse than this is this last ad hominem chicanery that
J wants to pull out on S. Artesian’s position to make him/her look as some kind
of social chauvinist.

Perhaps J could use a little Communist Manifesto himself: ‘Workers
OF THE WORLD Unite!’


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