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Manuel quoted me: Fred said: " I want stress that I would have no trouble accepting the "apartheid" label (as a popular synonym for "racist regime") if I was convinced that comrades really grasped that the Palestinians have a right to fight not just for a single-state Palestine solution, but for whatever they are strong enough to take in their native land." Manuel agrees with me, seemingly, and then complains: However, I always find it perplexing (read peeved) to hear self-professed revolutionists worrying whether popularizing a well-known sentiment ("apartheid Israel") will somehow lead the Palestinian fighters and their allies to make a wrong turn because they seek to build popular support for their struggle on a world stage in terms comprehensible especially to the oppressed nationalities and nations never mind the privileged workers and students of imperialist countries. Fred responds: Where did I suggest that the "apartheid Israel" slogan would lead Palestinian fighters astray? Nowhere, although I admit that Palestinian fighters are not unique in the world in being incapable of making mistakes. No, my concern is with the international solidarity movement, where there are strong tendencies in many radical groups to see their pet "one-state solutions" as the only way forward, and partial steps as Bantustans, sell-outs, or hopeless "concentration camps," with all these conclusions seen as flowing from the apartheid analysis. While Edmundsen claims to reject this kind of thinking, his comments about Gaza show that he nonetheless buys into it. I believe this is true not only in regard to Hamas but even the weak and disorganized PLO leadership in the West Bank, where the mass fight against the settlements is a fight to retrieve bits and pieces of territory for a potential Palestinian state, which the Israeli ruling class continues to block despite the alleged advantage of the "Bantustans" that would supposedly surely result. Israel has a ruling class, by the way, and it is not just all Jews, to put it mildly. The fact is that single state solutions (including the "democratic secular state," logical and inevitable as they MAY prove to be as ultimate solutions, do not have a mass base today among either the Palestinians (most of whom think they are utopian at best) or the colonial-settler population. The fight has to begin from where the Palestinians are, from their real situation and consciousness their real level of unity, the strength or weakness of their alliances, and the strength of the enemy which is far from evaporating as yet. Many non-Palestinian radicals assume that Hamas rejects a two-state solution, favoring a united Islamic Israel, free of all Jews. But this "militant" position is yesterday's paper. Hamas clearly favors a two-state agreement. Of course, they do not believe this should involve only Gaza but also the West Bank, where they attempt, whether in the best way or not is beside the point in this context, to find some common ground with the PLO that wants to fight. It may be true, as Manuel speculates, that only the most implacable foes of Israel gain popular support in Palestine, but for them this is expressed in struggle, not in programmatic positions. There is no sign at all that the majority of the Palestinian population insists on a one state solution or nothing. All signs are to the contrary. Those who fight get support and sympathy. Those who seem to cave in GENERALLY (not absolutely and unanimously) are viewed with contempt. Edmundson suggests that Gaza cannot be independent in any sense because the Palestinians and Gazan are not strong enough to prevent Israeli violations of their borders and so forth. But this would apply as well to independent to "independent" North Vietnam or "independent" North Korea or even (future tense quite possibly) "independent Iran" which were not strong enough to prevent their territory from being invaded and attacked by the imperialist powers. Since Cuba could be blockaded militarily and is still b That's why I brought forward Arafat's 1975 (at the UN) perspective of establishing a state on any territory that can be liberated from Israel, which still seems sound to me. And counterposing such rhetorical "final solutions" to the partial struggles that go on and must go on today to assert Palestinian sovereignty wherever it can be asserted seems to me like complete sectarian nonsense. Fred Feldman ________________________________________________ Send list submissions to: Marxism@lists.econ.utah.edu Set your options at: http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/options/marxism/archive%40mail-archive.com