Part 5. "A single S-D Labour Party"
We saw how Lenin was defending Marxism from the attacks of the bourgeoisie
and in the process was reaffirming Marxism in the eyes of the working class.
He continued his study of the dialectical transition taking place in Russia
from feudalism to capitalism, with the rapid generation of the two new
classes, a bourgeoisie and a proletariat. This is aptly demonstrated in his
article assessing 'The Handicraft Census of 1894-95 In Perm Gubernia..'
1897. (V.2. C/W.).This was the preliminary to his work in 1899, 'The
Development Of Capitalism In Russia'. He was becoming well equipped to
argue against the Narodniks anti-Marxist views of the economic developments
in Russia, he began by exposing Narodism through the article 'A
Characterisation of Economic Romanticism'1897.( V.2. C/W ) saying on p.134.:
"This subject is almost identical with the problem known in Russian
Narodnik literature as the'problem of the home market for capitalism'...
these are the very same problems that occupy the minds of the Narodnik
economists.." He quoted Marx and Sismondi extensively to substantuate his
defence of the Marxist views on the market question and its relation to the
development of capitalism.
Earlier Lenin had shown his determination to follow the directives of
scientific-socialism on organisation and the need for an independent party
of the proletariat. He was responsible for organising 'The League Of
Struggle for the Emancipation of The Working Class' in 1895; its activities
were immediately linked to the industrial proletariat, participating in and
directing their action as well as propagating Marxism. The next step (whilst
in prison), he produced 'The Draft Programme" (1895), followed by the
"Explanation of the Draft Programme" (1896). This is particularly noteworthy
for the fact that Lenin demonstrated that the revolutionary party had to
first have a programme of action upon which it could grow. Without
hesitation he took that important step to gather those revolutionary
principles that Marx and Engels had formulated in the Manifesto and the
'Address' and began the construction of a party program introducing them
into it. These we see in the 'Draft and Explanation of a Programme For the
Social-Democratic Party'(1896) V.2. C/W. The first and most important point
at this stage of development of the programme, was the workers'
class-consciousness and their awareness of the alliance with all democratic
forces who oppose the "absolute" government:
"B 3. The programme declares that the workers' allies are, firstly, all
those strata which oppose the absolute power of the autocratic government.
Since this absolute rule is the main obstacle to the workers' fight for
their emancipation, it naturally follows that it is in the direct interests
of the workers to support every social movement aginst absolutism.... But,
while proclaiming its support for very social movement against absolutism,
the Social-Democratic Party recognises that it does not separte itself from
the working class movement, because the working class has its specific
interests, which are opposed to the interests of all other classes. While
rendering support to all representatives of the bourgeoisie in the fight
for political freedom, the workers should remember that the propertied
classes can only be their allies for a time, that the interests of the
workers and he capitalists cannot be reconciled,.."
Here we have, that first and very important tactical requirement of
revolutionary socialism, being established, into the workers program of a
proletariat on the indirect route to socialism, as projected first in the
Manifesto and in the 'Address'. This in full accord with the conditions of
the proletariat under the economy a developing country in its transition
from feudalism to capitalism. There could be no suggestion of advancing
directly to socialism, as would become possible under the conditions of a
developed capitalist economy.
A significant aspect, introduced though not previously mentioned, is the
following in part 3 section 2, of the 'explanation. After discussing the
changes in the relations of production and division of labour affecting the
proletariat in the new emerging economy. Lenin explains the new oppressive
relationship being introduced by the capitalist as owner of the higher
developed instrument of production the 'machine', into the developing
capitalist economy:
"Another, far more important improvement in production is the introduction
of machines by the capitalist. The effectiveness of labour is increased
manifold by the use of machines; but the capitalist turns all this benefit
against the worker..... On his own the worker is quite helpless against
capital, and the machine threatens to crush him." ibid p.102.
The point is well made that the worker must organise "against the capitalist
who introduces machines", but also, the "introduction" of machines by
capital, reveals their essential relation from the outset; the introduction
of the "machine" by capital commences the industrial revolution, the
separation of town and country. The manifestation of 'mechanisation',
affecting the whole national economy, as Lenin shows later in his 'The
Development of Capitalism in Russia', is identifiable with and inseparable
from, the whole epoch of capitalism.
The third section of part 3. introduces the peasant question into the
programme.
The draft programme, raises obove the head of the bourgeoisie all the
democratic demands of the Russian people in opposition to "absolutism" the
feuadal state and thus the proletaiat is placing itself at the head, leading
the bourgeois revolution in Russia. Lenin is progressing steadily upon those
revolutionary socialist principles first established in the Manifesto and
'Address'.
In 1897 there appeared 'The Tasks of The Russian Social-Democrats' V.2.C/W.,
bringing into focus the "practical" activities of the Russian
Social-Democrats comparing them to the other two revolutionary groups namely
the Narodnaya Volya and the Narodnoye Pravo:
"At the present time (the end of 1887), the most urgent question, in our
opinion, is that of the practical activities of the Social-Democrats. We
emphasise the practical side of Social-Democracy, because on the theoretical
side the most critical period-the period of stubborn refusal by its
opponents to understand it, of strenuous efforts to suppress the new trend
the moment it arose, on the one hand and, of stalwart defence of the
fundamentals of Social-Democracy, on the other-is apparently behind us. Now
the main and basic features of the theoretical views of the Social-Democrats
have been sufficiently clarified. The same cannot be said of the practical
side of Social-Democracy, about its political programme, its methods, its
tactics.". 'The Tasks of The Russian Social-Democrats' V.2.C/W p.327-8
Lenin poses the work of the Social-Democrats to that of the the other two
revolutionary groups namely the Narodnaya Volya and the Narodnoye Pravo:
"..to conduct their activities among the workers on the basis of *class
struggle*-or else strive to base their whole programme and revolutionary
activities on *democratic* tasks. If we are not mistaken, the latter
description fits the two revolutionary groups which are operating in Russia
at the present time, parallel to the Social-Democrats, namely, the Narodnaya
Volya and the Narodnoye Pravo." ibid p.328
After explaining fully, the activities of the Social-Democrats Lenin states:
"Theoretical reasoning proves and the practical activities of the
Social-Democrats show that all *socialists* in Russia should become
*Social-democrats*. p.331.
Further he describes that:
"Both economic and political agitation are equally necessary to develop the
class-consciousness of the proletariat; both economic and political
agitation are equally necessary for guiding the class struggle of the
Russian workers, because every class struggle is a political struggle....
Nevertheless, there is a big difference between these two types of activity
and struggle. The difference is that in the economic struggle the
proletariat stands absolutely alone against both the landed nobility and the
bourgeoisie,... In the democratic, *political* struggle, however, the
Russian working classdoes not stand alone; at its side are all the political
opposition elements , strata and classes since they are hostile to
absolutism and are fighting it in one form or another... After all,
Social-Democrats that the that the political revolution in Russia must
precede the socialist revolution; should they not, therefore, combine ...
setting socialism aside for the time being? Is this not essential in order
to strengthen the fight against the autocracy.?" p.333.
Seen and detected by Lenin, here emerging, is the 'economism' of petty
bourgeois socialism, reflecting the evolutionary trend to steer the
proletariat into submission of the bourgeoisie upon the conclusion of the
bourgeois revolution, to neglect raising the class-conciousness of the
workers by not relating the democratic economic struggle to the
revolutionary class struggle.
Undeniably, coming through here also, is Marx and Engels contradictory
suggestion that the bourgeois national-democratic revolution is but the
"prelude" to a proletarian revolution, "that the political revolution in
Russia must precede the socialist revolution". As Marxists, we do not ignore
this tactic but on the contrary, take full account of it in the advance to
socialism in a developing country.
Lenin continues showing the link of such tactics with the Manifesto:
"let us examine these two questions.
The attitude of the working class, as a fighter against the autocracy,
towards all the other social classes and groups in the political
oppositionis very precisely determined by thebasic principles of
Social-Democracy expounded in the famous Communist Manifesto. The
Social-Democrats support the progressive social classes against the
reactionary classes, the bourgeoisie against the representatives of
priviledged landowning estate and the bureacracy, the big bourgeoisie
against the reactionary strivings of he petty bourgeoisie. This support does
not presuppose, nor does it call for, any compromises with the
non-Social-Democrat programmes and principles..." p.334.
Lenin had, by 1897, prepared the ground for the formation of a truly
independent and revolutionary workers party, based on the guiding principles
derived by Marx and Engels from the historical experience of the struggles
of 1848-9. He was bringing into being a program that took account of both
the immediate needs of the proletariat (tactics) and the future socialist
aims of the proletariat (strategy) in Russia, a developing nation. In my
next post we can examine, with the formation of the party, the antagonism
that develops concerning the struggle between evolutionary and revolutionary
socialism, a continuity of a contradiction that has run through scientific-
socialism from beginning to end.
Fraternally Alan.
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