Part 10. - Unity and Struggle
The statement of Lenin,s: "we will make the Russian political revolution the
prelude to the socialist revolution in Europe." in March 1905, revealing
once again the link of revolutionary policy with that initiated by Marx and
Engels in the Manifesto, was further endorsed in Sept. 1905:
"..for from the democratic revolution we shall at once, and precisely in
accordance with the measure of our strength, the strength of the
class-conscious and organised proletariat, begin to pass to the socialist
revolution. We stand for uninterrupted revolution. We shall not stop
halfway. ... we shall bend every effort to help the entire peasantry achieve
the democratic revolution, in order threby to make it easier for us, the
party of the proletariat to pass on as quickly as possible to the new and
higher task.
Lenin C/W Vol.9. p.237 'S-Ds Attitude to the Peasant Movement'(1905).
Paying duty to Marx's words for 'revolution in permanence', carefully,
steadily, he was promoting and clarifying the objectives for a programme for
the indirect advance to socialism, required by the revolutionary proletariat
in the period of a national-democratic revolution, the Russian revolution.
There could be no direct path to socialism. The main principles Lenin was
observing had been outlined in the Manifesto and 'Address', which he used as
his guide and was further developing. In 'A Tactical Platform for The Unity
Congress' Lenin put forward eleven draft resolutions based on the 'present
stage of the revolution, among which, was the that of Armed Uprising and
Soviets Of Workers'Deputies. We recall the directives in the 'Address'
concerning arming of the whole proletariat and 'a proletarian guard'linked
with the "revolutionary community councils", Lenin had this always in mind.
In the draft resolution, 'Armed uprising' we see for example:
"(3) that in its work of propaganda and agitation the Party must take
special care to study the practical experience of the December uprising,
examine it critically from the military point of view, and draw practical
lessons from it for the future;
(4) that still greater efforts must be made to form more fighting
squads, improve their organisation, and supply them with weapons of every
type; and, as experience suggests, it is necessary to form not only Party
fighting squads, but also squads associated with the Party, and entirely
non-Party squads;
(5) that there should be increased work among the armed forces, bearing
in mind that discontent alone in the forces is not enough to achieve success
for the movement, that there is also a need for direct agreement with the
organised revolutionary-democratic elements in the armed forces, for the
purpose of launching determined offensive operations against the government;
(6) that in view of the growing peasant movement, which may flare up
into a regular insurrection in the very near future, it is desirable to work
for combining actions by the workers and the peasants, in order to organise,
as far as possible, joint and simultaneous fighting operations. "
Lenin C/W V 10. p153. 'A Tactical Platform for The Unity Congress'
(Mar.1906)
Together with this draft resolution, was the draft on 'Soviets Of Workers
Deputies', items 1-4:
"We are of the opinion, and propose that the Congress should agree:
(1) that the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party should participate
in non-party Soviets of Workers' Deputies, unfailingly form the strongest
possible groups of Party members in each Soviet, and direct the activities
of these groups strictly in accordance with the general activities of the
Party;
(2) that the formation of such organisations for the purpose of
increasing Social-Democratic influence on the proletariat, and the influence
of the proletariat on the course and outcome of the democratic revolution,
may, in certain conditions, be left to the local organisations of our Party;
(3) that the broadest possible sections of the working class, and also
of representatives of the revolutionary democrats, particularly peasants,
soldiers and sailors, should be induced to take part in the non-party
Soviets of Workers' Deputies;
(4) that as the activities and sphere of influence of Soviets of
Workers' Deputies expand, it must be pointed out that these institutions are
bound to collapse unless they are backed by a revolutionary army and unless
the government authorities are overthrown (i.e., unless the Soviets are
transformed into provisional revolutionary governments); and that therefore
one of the main tasks of these institutions in every revolutionary situation
must be to arm the people and to strengthen the military organisations of
the proletariat. Ibid pp.156-7.
Here we have the clarity of purpose - ("unless the Soviets are transformed
into provisional revolutionary governments") introduced and based on the
concrete conditions, giving direction to the proletariat. True, most, if not
all, Marxists-Leninists will be very familiar with these events but my
objective is to show, throughout, that the developing revolutionary
programme promoted by Lenin, was at all times linked to that of the
Manifesto and the 'Address', having continuity from 1848, as an alternative
path to socialism for a developing country.
As we have already seen, every step forward that revolutionary socialism had
taken, towards establishing a revolutionary party and a revolutionary
programme to lead the proletariat of a developing country, on the
alternative, 'indirect' road to socialism, the evolutionary opportunists,
have opposed them. Always at the forefront, Lenin faced them, ever trying to
draw them into inner-party, struggle, to openly expose the contradiction
within S-D in their party journal, where the issues could debated and not
concealed. It was to continue thus with the Mensheviks during the 4th
(Unity) Congress of the R.S.D.L.P. in April 1906 where the Mensheviks and
Bolsheviks would be in dispute on every item on the agenda. In this respect,
with unity in mind Lenin appealed to Russian S-D after the congress, in an
'Appeal To Party By Delegates To Unity Congress':
"At such a time, the duty of every Social-Democrat is to strive to ensure
that the ideological struggle within the Party on questions of theory and
tactics is conducted as openly, widely and freely as possible, but on no
account does it disturb or hamper the unity of revolutionary action of the
Social-Democratic proletariat."
Lenin C/W Vol.10. p.310-11. 'Appeal To Party By Delegates To Unity
Congress' (April 1906).
"We cannot and must not conceal the fact that we are profoundly convinced
that the Unity Congress did not quite appreciate those tasks. The three most
important resolutions of the Congress clearly bear the stamp of the
erroneous views of the former "Menshevik" faction, which numerically was
predominant at the Congress." ibid p.312.
We must and shall fight ideologically against those conditions at the
congress which we consider as erroneous, but at the same time we declare to
the whole Party that we are opposed to a split of any kind. We stand for
submission to decisions of the congress. rejecting boycott of the Central
Committee and valuing joint work, we agreed to those who share our views
going on the Central Committee, although they will comprise a negligible
minority in it. We are profoundly convinced that the woekers'
Social-Democratic organisations must be united, but in these united
organisations there must be a wide and free discussion of Party questions,
free comradely criticism and assessment of events in Party life. Ibid
p.314.
The 4th congress was seen as a Menshevik congress since they had a majority
of votes, 62 over 46 this had been a wide all embracing congress open to all
S-D groups and S-D national Parties such as the Polish and Lettish and
Ukrainian. The result was that they had all been brought into one All
Russian organisation, in order to better expose and fight the opportunist
trend, to deal with the contradiction in a communist manner, to expedite it
through inner party struggle. The Congress had revealed the full extent of
the opposing aspects in contradiction in All Russia and the alignment of the
forces in contradiction. This had been the result of Lenin's brilliant
handling of the contradiction within Scientific-socialism, no less.
An interesting aside was brought into discussions by Plekhanov during the
argument on "municipalisation" where he laid stress on the question of
"guarantees against restoration". The interested reader will find this
discussion most rewarding since it has relevance to later developments in
our historical journey. It is to be found in Lenin C/W. Vol.10. pp.331-336
'Report on the Unity Congress'.
In 'Bad Advice' (C/W. Vol.10. p.449. May 1906) Lenin criticises Plekhanov's
opportunism:
"We now see how bad is the advice Comrade Plekhanov gives the working
class...Comrade Plekhanov is making a big mistake by going much too far to
the right, and by calling upon the proletariat to support the Cadets and the
Cadet Duma fully, completely and without reservation."
Lenin had contained the struggle of opposites within a single, organised All
Russian S-D movement in order to expose and defeat it.
Since we can clearly see at every step the evolutionary nature of the
policies of petty bourgeois socialism coming strikingly to the surface first
in the form of "Bernsteinism", "economism" then as "Menshevism" we can
accept Lenin's conclusion regarding the ideological struggle with the
evolutionary socialists, reappearing and cloaked in various garb
successively. We can, in referring to all the forms of opportunism, on
through to modern revisionism are all forms of petty bourgeois socialism.
"diverse forms of one and the same historical tendency" As Lenin frequently
pointed out:
"...one cannot avoid the conclusion that "legal Marxism", "Economism" and
"Menshevism" are diverse forms of one and the same historical tendency
Vol. 13. C/W. p. 112. 'Preface To The Collection Twelve Years'. (1907).
"An analysis of the struggle of the various trends and shades of opinion at
the Second Party Congress (cf. One Step Forward, Two Steps Back, 1904) will
show beyond all doubt the direct and close ties between the Economism of
1897 and subsequent years and Menshevism. The link between Economism in the
Social-Democratic Movement and the "Legal Marxism" or "Struveism" of 1895-97
was demonstrated by me in the pamphlet 'What is To Be Done ? ' (1902). Legal
Marxism-Economism-Menshevism are linked not only ideologically, but also by
their direct historical continuity."
Ibid. footnote to p. 112.
"These four facts alone--- and forty four more could be cited --- are clear
proof that the Economism of 1895-1902, the Menshevism of 1903-08 and the
Liquidationism of 1908-14, all represent the Russian form or species of
opportunism and revisionism, no more and no less."
Vol. 20. p. 324. 'A Fool's Haste Is No Speed' (1914 )
"And everybody who has the least concern for the history of Marxism in
Russia knows that liquidationism is most closely and inseverably connected,
even as regards its leaders and supporters, with Menshevism (1903-08) and
Economism (1894-1903). consequently, here, too, we have a history extending
over nearly twenty years ",
Ibid. p.330 'Disruption of Unity Under Cover Of Outcries of Unity'
(1914).
" When we speak of liquidationism we speak of a definite ideological trend,
which grew up in the course of many years, stems from Menshevism and
Economism in the twenty years, history of Marxism, and is connected with the
policy and ideology of a definite class the liberal bourgeoisie."
Ibid p. 346. 'Disruption of Unity Under Cover Of Outcries of Unity'
(1914)
What is this "historical tendency" that links these "diverse forms" that
Lenin speaks of ? This historical tendency has been with
scientific-socialism from the outset and is in fact evolutionary-socialism,
one of the two aspects in the contradiction within scientific-socialism,
standing diametrically opposed to revolutionary-socialism. As we know these
"shades of opinion" are nothing other than policies for 'evolutionary
socialism', so, when we reduce the two aspects to their essential content,
we have socialism as the universality of contradiction and evolutionary
socialism versus revolutionary socialism, as the two particular aspects
particularity) of the main contradiction within scientific socialism. The
contradiction that dominated all others within and drove scientific
socialism forward. An ideological struggle; for, a policy of evolutionary
socialism on the one hand and a policy for revolutionary socialism on the
other. The Universality of contradiction also means the struggle is
continuous from beginning to end. Lenin shows how when defeated in one
form it arises in another thus he speaks of the "historical continuity" of
those forms of opportunism. Naturally, when we review the victory of
revolutionary socialism, we recognise it as a victory over evolutionary
socialism, for the leadership of the working class in a developing country.
We as workers will always rejoice in that. Petty bourgeoise socialism in the
advanced countries on the other hand cannot counter the socialist revolution
in the same way, it has to deny the existence of classes and failing that,
has to preach peaceful coexistence while supporting and practicing fascist
suppression of the working classes.
After the 1905 revolution the period of counter-revolution set in and with
the first world war came the crises, increased oppression and suffering of
the proletariat and peasantry moving toward a new revolutionary situation
for the proletariat of All Russia.
Having made my point, in my next post I will not dwell so much on those
subsequent so familiar details of the ideological struggle, (essentially
similar to those already reviewed) such as the 'Liquidationists' but look
more to situation approaching 1917, where, the widest support for the
practical application of the programme for revolutionary socialism is
sought. Whereas the "Russian revolution" is to be the "prelude" to the
Democratic Dictatorship of Proletariat and the Peasantry, "uninterrupted
revolution" no stopping "half way", no submission to the bourgeois
dictatorship, that all opportunist trends wish to steer the proletariat
into, as the historical and evolutionary corollary to the
bourgeois-democratic revolution.
Fraternally Alan.
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