Comrades,

       Again, I would to like to make a remark on Dover's latest wandering
off to Lenin's writings in a haphazard way in order to "substantiate" his
anti-dialectical process of "revolution and revolution".
       Dover distorts Lenin as he distorted Marx and Engels. Where are
Dover's distortions? For example, in referring to Lenin's understanding of
the Russian Revolution, Dover makes Lenin begin with the German experience
of 1848  in order to provide the Russian proletariat and its allies a guide
of action. Lenin actually begins with the Paris Commune and the subsequent
Marx theoretical elaboration of this event.
       In addition, Dover refers to one of "those principles concerning
tactics and strategy" that Lenin supposedly adopted from the Communist
Manifesto: "To lead the temporary alliance with the bourgeoisie for the
overthrow of the feudal state". Did Lenin say such a thing on "the temporary
alliance with the bourgeoisie"? Let us listen to Lenin himself: "We must be
certain in our minds as to what real social forces are opposed to `tsarism'
(which is areal force perfectly intelligible to all) and are capable of
gaining a "decisive victory' over it. The big bourgeoisie, the landlords,
the factory owners, the `society' which follows the Osvobozhdeniye lead,
cannot be such a force. We see that they do not even want a decisive
victory. We know that owing to their class position they are incapable of
waging a decisive struggle against tsarism; they are too heavily fettered by
private property, by capital and land to enter into a decisive
struggle....No, the only  force capable of gaining `a decisive victory over
tsarism' is the PEOPLE, i.e., the proletariat and the peasantry, if we take
the main, big forces, and distribute the rural and urban petty bourgeoisie
(also part of `the people') between the two. `The revolutions's decisive
victory over tsarism' means the establishment of the
REVOLUTIONARY-DEMOCRARIC DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT AND THE PEASANTRY"
(Two Tactics of Social-Democracy in the Democratic Revolution). As it is
clear from Lenin's quoted passage, there is no word about "the temporary
alliance with the bourgeoisie"; thus, Dover distorts Lenin, or rather
"creates" a Lenin in his own image.
       Now, I would like to continue with previous discussion of the
dialectical identity or unity of opposites. When I state that the opposite
"components" of a dialectical identity (unity) of opposites are each other's
limit of existence and self-contained in the same relation and the same
time, I take each "component" or more correctly each moment of this
dialectical identity as itself and not-itself at the same time. In other
words, each moment is a self-sustained entity or process which goes beyond
itself to determine and exist as itself. For example, let us consider the
dialectical identity of evolution and revolution. Each moment of this
dialectical identity, "evolution" or "revolution", is itself and not itself
at the same time. In other words, "evolution" is "evolution" and
"revolution" at the same time; and also, "revolution" is "revolution" and
"evolution" at the same time. Thus, whenever a dialectical-materialist talks
about either "evolution" or "revolution", she/he talks about either of them
as itself and not-itself at the same time. In contrast to this understanding
of dialectical identity of opposites, Dover-type "dialecticians" come up
with their own "dialectical" identity of opposites, in which each moment of
the unity does not have its otherness in itself. That is reason that
Dover-type "dialecticians" assume "evolution" just as evolution, without its
otherness--"revolution", and "revolution" just as "revolution", without its
otherness--"evolution". Thus, Dover-type "dialecticians" attribute
anti-dialectical ideas, like "revolution and revolution", to Marx, Engels,
and Lenin through their own ignorance of dialectical-materialism.

Javad




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