Good am Marv:
I am not saying Mussolini was a 'good guy' - there may be a misunderstanding.
I think (maybe wrong and misunderstanding you here) that you were saying
fascism is brought in by the bourgeoisie at a time that its' bourgeois 'normal'
channel rule of bourgeois democracy is threatened imminently by a working class
rising power. I do not think this was the case in Italy:
"The resistance of the Italian working class to fascism was made especially
difficult by a number of factors:
Firstly, fascism in 1922 was a new international phenomenon and many people
were deceived by its demagogic "anti-capitalist" propaganda into believing its
claims to be a "revolutionary" movement - claims which were lent colour to by
the adherence to fascism of many "revolutionary" anarcho-syndicalists.
Secondly, there existed no Marxist-Leninist party, following a scientific
strategy and tactics and with mass influence among the working class, which
could mobilise the class forces, against whose interests fascism, was directed,
into the only channel capable of successfully resisting the fascist offensive
- the anti-fascist united front. -
The open and concealed reformist leaders of the Italian Socialist Party advised
the party's members and supporters not to participate in organised resistance
to fascism, but to "ignore" it - advice repeated almost word for word by the
leaders - of the Social-Democratic Party of Germany in the early 1930's and by
the leaders of the British Labour Party today.
"The Communist Party of Italy was formed only in January 1921 and had been
unable to win significant mass influence among the working class before the
coup of October 1922. Although urged by the Communist International, of which
the party was a section, to form a united front against fascism, the party was
led at this time by a left-sectarian group, headed by Amadeo Bordiga which
categorically rejected these correct tactics.
To the leadership of the CPI:
1) 'Parliamentary Democracy" and fascism were both forms of the dictatorship of
monopoly capital, and a revolutionary party had "no interest" in defending the
democratic rights and liberties possessed by the working class under the
former; the task of a revolutionary party was "not to defend but to destroy",
parliamentary democracy".....
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"The theory that fascism was brought to power in Italy as a "preventive
measure" directed against the "threat" of socialist revolution was a feature of
fascist propaganda. One of the earliest books on Italian fascism, by Luigi
Fabbri (Bologna; 1922) was entitled "La contro-rivoluzione preventiva", (The
Preventive Counter-Revolution). Even before the fascist coup of October 1922,
Librero Tancredi told an election meeting in Turin on April 15th., 1921 that
the fascist "Combat Groupe" had arisen because of:
"the violence of the Socialist and Communist Parties, which wished to destroy
the values of the victorious nation and provoke revolution".
(L.Tancredi: Speech of April 15th., 1921, cited in: M.Clark. "The Failure of
Revolution in Italy: 1919-1920";. Reading; 1973; p.26).
This theory was repeated by right-wing social-democrats In a speech in Milan
on September 10th., 1922, Camillo Prampolini:
"concluded that if the activity of himself and of his comrades had failed to
prevent the onset of bourgeois reaction, the responsibility lies only with the
supporters of revolution and of the dictatorship of the proletariat".
(C.Prappolini : Speech of September 10th., 1922, cited in : M.Clark; Ibid.; p.
26).
The large-scale backing of the fascist movement by Italian Big Business and its
state began in October 1920. The process of bringing to power a fascist
government was accomplished in three stages:
Firstly, using the fascist apparatus of force - with arms and officers provided
by the army, and with the connivance of the police - to weaken the
organisations of the working class and peasantry:
Secondly, transforming the fascist movement, into a "respectable" political
party and bringing it - through membership of the "National Bloc" headed by
Prime Minister Giovanni Giolitti, the "Old Fox" -- into the framework of
"parliamentary democracy".
Thirdly, through a combination of the processes of stages one and two, bringing
about through the "March on Rome" of October 1922. the establishment of a
movement dominated by the fascists which would proceed to replace
"parliamentary democracy" bv an open totalitarian dictatorship.
Was this large-scale backing of the fascist movement by Italian Big Business in
October 1920 - October 1922 the result of a "threat" of socialist revolution?
In answering this question it must be noted:
Firstly;" that the large-scale backing of the fascist movement by Italian Big
Business began (in October 1920) after the Italian working class had suffered a
serious defeat (the sell-out of the occupation of the factories, in September
1920) which had left the whole working class significantly demoralised:
"The workers' movement emerged from the struggle enervated and disillusioned".
(C. de Rosa : "Storia del partito popolare" (History of the Popular Party);
Bari; 1958; p. 144).
Secondly, the defeat was followed by a serious decline in the strength of all
workers' organisations.
Thirdly, the trade union movement continued to be led by objectively
counter-revolutionary elements;
Fourthly, the Italian Socialist Party continued to be led by objectively
counter-revolutionary elements; and
Fifthly, the Communist Party of Italy - which might have been the vanguard
party of the working class - was formed only in 1921 ; its influence within the
working class was small; and it was led by left-sectarian elements, headed by
Amadeo Bordiga, incapable of winning for the party mass influence among the
working Class.
Clearly, if "parliamentary democracy" could no longer function in Italy in
1920-22 in the interests of monopoly capital, it was not because of the
"threat" of socialist revolution.
Mussolini himself admits this. Already in December 1920 he was writing of:
".. the death-rattle of Italian bolshevism, which is mortally stricken".
(B. Mussolini: Article in "The People of Italy"; December 31st; 1920, cited in:
C.Seton-Watson: "Italy from Liberalism to Fascism: 18870-1925"; London; 1967;
p. 576.)
On July 2nd., 1921 he wrote:
"To maintain the the bolshevik danger still exists in Italy is to mistake fear
for reality. Bolshevism has been conquered".
(Mussolini: Article in "The People Of Italy", July 2nd., 1921, cited in: ibid.;
p. 576).
And on July 12-13th. 1921, he told be National Council of the fascist "Combat
Groups":
"It is ridiculous at the present time to talk as if the Italian working class
were heading for bolshevism. You all know that the state of mind of the working
classes is fundamentally different from what it was two years ago".
(B. Mussolini: Address to the National Council, Combat Groups, 12-13th July
1921, cited in "A.Rossi" (A:Tasca): "The Rise of Italian Fascism: 1918-1922";
London; 1938; p.142).
Perhaps, therefore, the large-scale backing of the fascist movement by Italian
Big Business in 1920-22 was not because "parliamentary democracy" could no
longer function in the interests of monopoly capital. Perhaps, its motives were
purely psychological - as Angelo Tasca suggests:
"The occupation of the factories gave the bourgeoisie a psychological shock,
which explains their fury and guided their successive steps. The sense of
property and the authority of the industrialists was hit; evicted from their
factories, they saw work going on, for better or worse, in their absence. . . .
After a few days of bitterness and uncertainty; during which their chief
feeling was a deep grudge against Giolitti, who had failed to back them up,
and had forced control of their industries on them bu decree, their reaction
took the form of a fight to the death against the working class and the
'liberal' state. .
The factories were haunted by evil spirits which must be exorcised. . .The evil
spirits were to be exorcised by direct and violent action; the hour of fascism
had come; . .
The industrialists and landowners were livid with rage and ready for anything,
willing to sell their souls for revenge. The bloodshed and the fires which
were to destroy the offices of hundreds of working-class and socialist
organisations and the homes of 'red' and even 'white' workers seemed to them
the ritual of an atonement ceremony, necessary to purify the violated temple of
property". ('A. Rossi' (A.Tasca): "The Rise of Italian Fascism: 1918-1922";
London; 1938; p.80,81,82).
But Marxist-Leninists understand that, the ideas which motivate people to take
a certain course of action do not arise by chance, out of the thin air; these
ideas reflect reality. And when members of the monopoly capitalist class have
ideas sufficiently in common to motivate them to try to change the whole
superstructure of society, then these ideas reflect not mere whim, but a
conviction that their fundamental interests require such a change.
Tasca, in the passage cited above, hints at this when he refers to the anger of
the monopoly capitalists that, during the occupation of the factories, the
"parliamentary democratic" state had failed to protect their property.
But anger and thirst for revenge, are sentiments, which are soon dissipated. To
carry through the carefully planned, long-term process of replacing
"parliamentary democracy" ( the "normal" form of state under capitalism) by a
fascist dictatorship, the decisive strata of monopoly capital had to be
convinced that
this failure was not an isolated occurrence unlikely to be repeated. but was
likely to be an intolerable feature of Italian society for a long time to come.
"Parliamentary democracy" can function effectively in the interests of monopoly
capital only when:
Firstly, the trade union bureaucrats can control the mass of the workers, can
damp 'down militancy and prevent this from manifesting itself in ways, which
seriously affect the profitability of monopoly capital; and
Secondly, when political parties serving the interests of monopoly capital and
operating within the framework of "parliamentary democracy" retain the support
of the masses of working people.
Both these conditions had ceased in Italy in 1920, and their failure to operate
increased over 1920-22."
Full version is at: http://ml-review.ca/aml/CommunistLeague/All4-fascism93.htm
I hope that this clarifies what I was saying.
H
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