On Mon, Oct 7, 2024 at 02:54 PM, <[email protected]> wrote:

> 
> We've already shown that Marv defended the decision to provide
> "support"--whether critical or not--of the decision to support the
> election of Syriza in Greece... If supporting Syriza does not amount to
> supporting class collaboration and maintaining ruling institutions, then
> a)there must be 2 Syriza's, one that explicitly vowed to maintain the
> authority of the EU the ECB, the parliament,the Greek military  and then
> another one which Marv and others found worthy of support in winning the
> general election. https://groups.io/g/marxmail/message/32759

It may be useful to examine what considerations would have led me to vote for 
Syriza in 2015 consistent with this thread.  It will allow others to decide it 
whether it would have constituted "class collaboration".  Artesian has not 
commented on my party preferences in France or Germany, but his fixation on 
Greece also points to the ongoing differences I have had with he and Charlie on 
the list.

*Greece*

Artesian derides the notion, but there were in fact two Syriza's in the party. 
I would have voted for its election in 2015 in the same way as I would vote 
today for La France Insoumise or the Wagenknecht party in Germany or for Labour 
if there were still an organized Corbyn left within it. Syriza was the major 
beneficiary of workers abandoning the PASOK, the ruling social democratic party 
which had accepted the austerity program imposed on Greece by the troika. It 
was also the largest party on the left confronting the parallel rise of the 
Golden Dawn, representing a fascist threat to the Greek working class beyond 
that posed by either PASOK or the other governing party, the right-centre New 
Democracy.

When divisions soon appeared in Syriza following its election, I supported its 
organized left wing which advocated for a debt default and, if necessary, an 
exit from the eurozone and opposed the Tsipras leadership which sought an 
accomodation with the troika at all costs.

Artesian would have abstained from the Greek political struggle because he has 
never found a party anywhere which he likes. Charlie would have supported the 
sectarian KKE, which opposed a united front with other forces on the left as 
well as the mass occupations of public spaces and popular assemblies by the 
“movement of the squares” in 2011 which directly contributed to Syriza’s rise.

I've always thought we should first (but not exclusively) seek out and 
cooperate with left social democrats - whether concentrated inside or outside 
of the left-centre parties - since they are politically closest to us and 
therefore more open to our analyses and recruitment to our caucuses and 
organizations. This consideration is foreign to those who shy away from 
political involvement in the  unions and labour-backed parties. In fact, it's 
often seemed to me that most of the political venom of active and passive 
sectarians is directed at left social democrats and at Marxists who try to  
reach them in their organizations with the aim of influencing and leading them 
forward.


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