On Sun, Nov 9, 2025 at 05:29 PM, Ian Angus wrote:

> 
> Talk by Peter Bo y le

> 
> *Revolutionary degrowth*
> Some leftists criticise Hickel saying he does not tell us how to overthrow
> capitalism. But who really has the complete recipe to do that? No one.
> ...
> Arguing against economism, Lenin wrote in What Is To Be Done ? that
> revolutionaries have a duty to go beyond immediate struggles between
> workers and bosses to explain the broader problems with capitalism and
> draw the working class into struggles against all oppressions.
> 
> 

The "complete recipe" is a tall order. But that does not mean that we have to 
ignore *ingredients* that have been put forward and discussed, from Marx to 
Meszaros to Gorz. I have written about how Marx's ingredients hearken to the 
1821 pamphlet, The Source and Remedy of the National Difficulties, itself 
deeply influence by William Godwin's writing from the late 18th century. 
Capital's imperative is a relentlessly quantitative one, with *value* at the 
heart of accumulation. Value expresses labour time with the contradictory 
demand that increasing more labour time must be expended while increasing less 
is expended on each individual commodity. Marx's secret ingredient for 
revolutionary degrowth, echoed by Meszaros, Gorz, and I, is the transition from 
quantitative accounting based on the expenditure of labour time to qualitative 
accounting based on the social distributon of *disposable time*. Lenin, of 
course, could not have written about this. The manuscripts in which Marx 
discussed it were not transcribed until the 1930s and not widely published 
until the 1950s to 1970s.

Why didn't Marx write about disposable time in Das Kapital ? As the title 
indicates, it was a book about capital and the contradictory effects of value 
and its accumulation. My experience writing about the alternative qualitative 
accounting based on disposable time and reading other authors who have written 
about the centrality of disposable time to Marx's vision of a revolutionary 
future is that it is a very hard sell. People's *prior assumptions* are based 
on the *real abstraction* of commodity exchange. The term real abstraction 
comes from Alfred Sohn-Rethel. In a way, Sohn-Rethel is saying little more 
than, "it is not the consciousness of men that determines their existence, but 
their social existence that determines their consciousness." In a society based 
on commodity exchange, our way of thinking is molded by commodity exchange. 
This raises a conundrum. How do we change our social existence if our 
consciousness is determined by the given social existence?

Marx recognized that dilemma and articulated it in the third thesis of his 
Theses on Feuerbach:
> 
> 
> The materialist doctrine concerning the changing of circumstances and
> upbringing forgets that circumstances are changed by men and that it is
> essential to educate the educator himself. This doctrine must, therefore,
> divide society into two parts, one of which is superior to society.
> 
> The coincidence of the changing of circumstances and of human activity or
> self-changing can be conceived and rationally understood only as revolutionary
> practice.
> 

That conceptualization of revolutionary practice guided Marx's research and 
writing for the rest of his life. Revolutionary practice is not something they 
teach you in school. The educator who educates the educator is you, dear 
reader. Self-changing above all else requires time to do the self-changing. 
Maybe it is a romantic 19th century idea to think that ordinary people will use 
much greater resources of free time to engage in revolutionary self-changing, 
as Theodor Adorno seemed to believe. But I think there is a material reason to 
counter Adorno's pessimism. The centuries-long campaign of big business and 
their intellectual spokesmen against the legal limitation of the working day 
has been nothing short of heroic. In his Inaugural Address to the First 
International , Marx described the passage of the Ten-Hours Bill in England as 
a victory of the political economy of the working class over the political 
economy of the bourgeoisie. That's the way the bourgeoisie saw it too.


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