People often assume that libertarians, given their professed opposition to the 
state, must also be staunchly anti-fascist. However, this is not necessarily 
the case. Libertarian thought has a long history of anti-democratic strains, 
traceable to some of its intellectual forebears, several of whom expressed 
sympathy — or at least tolerance — for fascist or authoritarian regimes.

This pattern appears among influential free-market economists. For instance, 
Vilfredo Pareto, a pioneer of neoclassical economics and a firm advocate of 
laissez-faire capitalism, welcomed Benito Mussolini’s rise to power in his 
later years. Mussolini appointed Pareto to the Italian Senate in 1922–1923, 
viewing his early rule as a potential transition toward a minimal state that 
would unleash pure market forces (though Pareto died in 1923, shortly after the 
appointment).

A similar ambivalence appears in the work of Austrian School economist Ludwig 
von Mises. In his 1927 book Liberalism , Mises wrote:

> 
> 
> 
> It cannot be denied that Fascism and similar movements aiming at the
> establishment of dictatorships are full of the best intentions and that
> their intervention has, for the moment, saved European civilization. The
> merit that Fascism has thereby won for itself will live on eternally in
> history. But though its policy has brought salvation for the moment, it is
> not of the kind which could promise continued success. Fascism was an
> emergency makeshift. To view it as something more would be a fatal error.
> 
> 

Mises regarded Italian Fascism as a temporary bulwark against Bolshevism, even 
while criticizing its long-term viability. He also served as an economic 
adviser to Engelbert Dollfuss, the authoritarian chancellor of Austria 
(1932–1934), whose clerico-fascist regime suppressed socialist opposition and 
dissolved parliament before Dollfuss’s assassination in a failed Nazi coup. 
Mises fled Europe in 1934 due to his Jewish heritage and the rise of Nazism. In 
the United States, he associated with far-right circles, including serving on 
the editorial advisory board of American Opinion , the magazine of the 
anti-communist John Birch Society.

Later figures revered in libertarian circles, such as Friedrich Hayek and 
Milton Friedman, also engaged with Augusto Pinochet’s dictatorship in Chile 
(1973–1990). Many of Pinochet’s key economic advisers — the so-called “Chicago 
Boys” — trained at the University of Chicago under Friedman and others. 
Friedman himself visited Chile in 1975, met briefly with Pinochet, and 
advocated “shock therapy” reforms to curb inflation, describing them as 
necessary medicine despite short-term pain. He was more guarded in his public 
support, focusing on economic advice rather than endorsing the regime outright.

Hayek was more explicit. He visited Chile twice (1977 and 1981), held a Mont 
Pelerin Society meeting there, and praised Pinochet’s rule in interviews and 
letters. He described it as a “transitional dictatorship” preferable to 
unlimited democracy, arguing that personal liberty could sometimes be better 
protected under authoritarian governments than in certain democracies. Hayek 
even urged Margaret Thatcher to consider elements of the Chilean model for 
bolder economic liberalization in the UK, though she politely rejected the 
idea, citing Britain’s democratic traditions and need for public consent.

These examples illustrate how some libertarian thinkers have prioritized market 
freedom and anti-socialism over democratic norms, occasionally viewing 
authoritarian regimes as acceptable — or even preferable — vehicles for 
economic reform. This tension does not define all libertarianism, but it 
highlights a recurring thread in its intellectual history.


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