By Luís Bonilla-Molina Read in full here https://links.org.au/venezuela-epitaph-revolution
......The question everyone asked was whether the January 3 imperialist attack on Venezuela could trigger an internal revolutionary response, with the ruling quartet at its head, that could resume the path outlined in the 1999 Constitution. Subsequent events have shattered that illusion. Not only are diplomatic relations between Caracas and Washington being normalised within the framework of an illiberal and colonialist agenda, but the needed counter-reforms are solidifying the new status of US-Venezuelan relations. At Delcy Rodríguez’s request, the National Assembly has simplified trade regulations to remove restrictions on foreign investment, while initiating reforms to the Hydrocarbons Law to legitimise the plundering of Venezuela’s oil and reentry of transnational corporations ousted by the Chávez revolution. These rapid restoration measures seek to align Venezuela with Trump’s aims, which were presented to the 16 oil magnates gathered to establish a $100 billion investment fund. This fund will allow the US to increase its current control of nearly one million barrels of Venezuelan oil to more than four million within a couple of years. Venezuela is rejoining the SWIFT banking system, allowing local financial transactions to be routed through the US. Four private banks (BNC, BBVA Provincial, Banesco, and Mercantil) have already been authorised by the Trump administration to receive a portion of the foreign currency transferred to the country from oil sales. It appears these private banks will sell the foreign currency, while the Central Bank of Venezuela will only receive Bolivars generated from this auction, less the respective intermediary fees. Delcy Rodríguez promotes this mechanism as a form of “energy cooperation with the US, which will allow any incoming currency to be allocated to two funds: the first for social protection to improve workers’ wages and strengthen areas such as health, education, food, and housing; the second for infrastructure and services.” A quick calculation of the impact of the first US$300 million to be transferred shows how ineffective the 30% of the revenue from oil sales that the US plans to send to Venezuela through the colonial form of intermediation will be in improving the working class’s living conditions. On January 9, the White House made public its executive order, “Safeguarding Venezuelan oil revenue for the Good of the American and Venezuelan people,” the embodiment of the colonial relationship when it comes to managing resources derived from oil sales. The US assumed for itself the role of “custodian” of Venezuela’s funds, whose use and circulation depends on the US Secretary of State. This was tested with the 50 million barrels of oil the US announced it had confiscated for this purpose. The Delcy Rodríguez government responded by initiating legislative and institutional reforms to facilitate this. On January 15, the same day as the phone conversation between Delcy Rodríguez and Trump, the reform of Venezuela's Hydrocarbons Law was announced. It was like witnessing a competition to see who could present themselves as the most obedient to the White House occupant: Machado presented Trump with the Nobel Prize medal while Delcy Rodríguez introduced the Hydrocarbon Law reform. As a smokescreen, the Trump administration ordered the closure of Venezuela’s El Helicoide detention centre, which had been denounced as a torture site, and the release of political prisoners held there. The National Assembly president went from claiming Venezuela had no political prisoners to reporting that more than 400 had been released, with the remaining cases being reviewed. Human rights advocates have previously said the number of political prisoners could be more than 1000. It is important to emphasise that these releases are the result of the struggle waged by the families of political prisoners and human rights organisations that have supported them, and are not an imperial handout. All this is occurring while Article 5 of Venezuela's State of Emergency decree continues to allow the arrest of anyone who criticises the government. Today, it is common to see police and military personnel in Venezuelan cities checking phones and arresting anyone with information against the government. Most people now leave their homes without a phone, or with a device incapable of receiving WhatsApp messages or accessing social media. As if this was not enough, on January 15 it was announced that the executive and legislative branches, together with the bureaucratic and employer-oriented Bolivarian Socialist Workers' Central (whose key architect was Maduro), would fast-track a labour legislation reform, creating a new Labor Code adjusted to the new political moment. The reaction of the capitalist class and business leaders remains to be seen. However, Delcy Rodríguez is very adept at moving in business, financial and banking circles. In fact, between 2018–25, she was tasked by Maduro with finding common ground with the traditional business sector, something she accomplished efficiently. [The main big business chamber] Fedecamaras had participated in the 2002 coup against Chávez and severed all ties with the government. But Delcy Rodríguez successfully achieved the seemingly impossible: not only was she the star guest at national business meetings starting from 2021, but she managed to break them away from Machado’s calls for confrontation. This experience could prove useful for Delcy Rodríguez in achieving what Maduro could not: an agreement among the various capitalist factions for an orderly transition, where all the wealthy win and no particular sector loses. Of course, in such agreements, those at the bottom always lose. Changes are happening at breakneck speed while any anti-imperialist perspective seems to further fade... -=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=- Groups.io Links: You receive all messages sent to this group. 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