On Fri, Jan 30, 2026 at 04:08 PM, Chris Slee wrote:

> 
> Today, Acting President Delcy Rodriguez is in a difficult position.
> Venezuela is under a naval blockade that prevents it from exporting oil
> without US permission. It is also threatened with renewed bombing if
> Rodriguez defies Trump's demands.
> 
> Under these circumstances, any agreement reached between Venezuela and the
> US will be extremely unfair.
> 
> 

The issue Chris ignores here is that far from arguing that the new situation is 
the result of an unfair agreement imposed by force, the Rodriguez government is 
opening claiming responsibility for the unfolding changes, saying that in fact 
it is what it wanted to do all along.
For example, Jorge Rodriguez, head of the National Assembly said of the reform 
adopted by parliament to overturn Chavez's oil law: “This law reflects 
President Nicolás Maduro's vision for the future. Some people think we passed 
this law suddenly, but the reality is that we had already studied its reform in 
detail together with the President.” 
https://venezuela-news.com/delcy-rodriguez-orientaciones-maduro-ante-aprobacion-reforma-ley-hidrocarburos/
Why would a progressive government seek to claim ownership of an unfair law 
imposed by US imperialism that will mean oil transnationals now pay less tax in 
"anti-imperialist" Venezuela than in imperialist Canada or Mexico? This is the 
reality that the pro-Maduro left cant find answers to.
Instead they say we must simply oppose the blockade - even though everyone 
does. But should we oppose US imperialism's capture of Venezuela's oil 
sovereignty, which the Venezuelan government presents as a step forward for the 
people? Here they tell us "such a condemnation would be pointless." So, from 
prioritising imperialism, we end up having to not talk about imperialism's 
theft of Venezuela's sovereignty.
Rather than looking back to the Treaty of Brest-Livotsky, I think everyone 
would do much better by trying to understand the reality of Venezuela today - 
not the one that existed 20 years ago or the one presented in pro-imperialist 
or pro-government media outlets.
A good starting point is this interview: 
https://links.org.au/us-imperialism-maduroismo-without-maduro-and-venezuelan-sovereignty-after-january-3

*What can the left do internationally to support the struggle of the Venezuelan 
people?*

The first thing the left should understand is that its solidarity must be with 
the people of Venezuela, not with the Maduro government as it was before, or 
with the Madurismo without Maduro now. What we in Venezuela are asking for is a 
political ethic that stands with the Venezuelan people, with those who have 
truly endured this crisis and will continue to endure it for a long time.

This government ceased representing the deepest and most profound interests of 
the Venezuelan people a long time ago. Not only does it fail to represent their 
interests, but, as we see, it has no qualms siding with those who seek to 
undermine the interests of the peoples of the world. Nicolás Maduro's son had 
no qualms stating that Venezuela should establish relations with Israel ( 
https://venezuelanvoices.org/2026/01/19/nicolas-maduro-jr-calls-for-restablishing-diplomatic-relations-with-the-us-and-israel/
 ) , while Maduro’s actions toward the global left closely resembled those of 
Machado with the Venezuelan diaspora: emotional exploitation and nothing more.

The Maduro government was a moral and strategic debacle for the left, not only 
in Latin America but globally. When I say strategic, I mean that Maduro was a 
champion of defeats who weakened the nation and annihilated the ethical and 
political strength of the movement he inherited. He reduced it to dust. And 
when he had to put that movement in historic danger to defend his own power, he 
did so.

This attack by US imperialism does not prove that Maduro was right, that 
imperialism was plotting against him, and that imperialism was the cause of all 
this. Rather, it proves that Maduro was utterly incompetent — I repeat, 
incompetent — when it came to defending the Venezuelan nation against 
imperialism.

What Maduro did was precisely help imperialism do what it wanted to the nation: 
weaken it militarily, economically, culturally, and institutionally, and above 
all, weaken its popular forces, the popular sovereignty upon which the nation 
and its social transformation rests. What we must ask ourselves is: why did an 
attack like this, obviously against international law, obviously against 
international rights, give hope to the majority of the Venezuelan people, both 
inside and outside the country?

Furthermore, Trump found the perfect scapegoat to leverage his interventionist 
policy toward Latin America. A policy that, as we see, goes against President 
Petro in Colombia, against President Sheinbaum in Mexico, but above all, 
against the national sovereignty of those sister Latin American nations. What 
made this possible? It was the patrimonialist government of Maduro, which a 
certain section of the international left, which does not consider Venezuelans 
to be subjects of anything, so loves to defend.

For much of the left, Venezuelans are incapable of even “domestic tyranny,” to 
use a phrase coined by [Venezuelan liberator] Simón Bolívar. This left absolves 
the Maduro government of any agency, even that of despotism; the only actor for 
them in this whole story is imperialism. The problem with much of the global 
left, especially in the Global North, is that they do not consider Venezuelans 
— neither the elite nor the people — to be subjects in this story, actors in 
their own story.

They do not consider the Maduro government to be a subject, one capable of 
carrying out its own domestic tyranny, which is precisely what it ended up 
doing. Because for them, we are merely objects of a history determined by 
imperialism. The history of imperialism against Venezuela is a convenient 
narrative for leveraging an “anti-imperialist” domestic policy in their 
respective countries. The complexities of reality matter little to them.

Even though it seems that we lack the capacity to decide our own destiny right 
now, I assure you that the Venezuelan nation will be reborn in some way, sooner 
rather than later, and we will take the reins of our future and our destiny. To 
rephrase the [Colombian writer and] poet [Gabriel García Márquez]: The peoples 
condemned to one hundred years of solitude will have a second chance on this 
earth.


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