On Tue, Apr 2, 2019 at 2:26 AM Prem Chandavarkar <prem....@gmail.com> wrote:

there is no neutral outside ever available.  One is always within a system,
> or rather, always within a hierarchy of systems, almost all of them complex
> and polycentric.  Just as when one is within a room one can never see all
> four walls simultaneously, a position of observing from within a system
> means substantive parts of the system will never be clearly visible to
> one’s cognition.
>
> This should be the starting point for any analysis.  One has to work from
> the inside out rather than the outside in, and begin with the following
> questions:
>
>    - What are the boundary conditions that define the limits to which
>    one's cognition can clearly perceive the system?
>    - How porous (or how impermeable) are these boundary conditions?
>
> Prem, your thinking in this thread has an ethical focus, something like
care of the autopoietic self. I find your intention very searching and
illuminating. However, upon consideration I doubt whether the dichotomy
between closed and open systems, which you build up toward the end of your
post, really offers any guide to action. As far as I can see, all human
systems strive for a degree of openness as a precondition of learning and
change, and for a degree of closure as a precondition of agency. Your posts
are crucial in helping us all refine the systems vocabularies that we use.
Here's what your reflections provoke in me.

Observing systems not only observe other observing systems, they also
internalize them, constantly. This is because the boundary conditions that
make us who we are, are exceptionally porous. Indeed, if we are lucky
enough to have any sort of boundary at all, any sort of psychic and somatic
autonomy, it is because a larger society gave us resources for
indviduation. By resources, I mean mental images and schemas, corporeal
practices, material and technical affordances - all coming from outside the
individual, and usually from outside the family, the neighborhood, the
province and even the language or country. It is in relation to such
outside resources - by internalizing some and at least partially rejecting
others - that one becomes an individual, or a community, or a society
(Simondon, and later Stiegler, have a lot to say about this). Because of
this permeability, highly invasive techniques are continually designed and
applied in order to get people to behave, not as their own system with its
own autopoietic compass, but instead, as a subordinate or even determinate
part of another, more malleable system. These techniques are turned upon
individuals, communities, societies.

Now, if I understand you right, your aim is to escape such capture and
reformulate the conditions under which individuation occurs. That would
also be my goal, not because I desperately want to become an autonomous
individual, but because I'd like to participate in certain kinds of
relatively autonomous communities which barely even exist today. But the
problem is, other people and other systems are continually trying to stop
us from achieving these kinds of goals. Not only do they create barriers to
any deep restructuring of the material and technical affordances with which
we shape ourselves and our communities, but they also make great efforts to
induce different corporeal practices at the level of our own bodies, and to
install different imaginaries and logical schemas in our own minds. A very
relevant case in point is the way libertarian and neoclassical economists,
acting in concert with capital interests and their representatives in
government, convinced a large proportion of the world's educated classes
that they are really entrepreneurs, looking to maximize personal profit
through innovation. That's an impressive production of subjectivity. The
neoliberal movement was able to do that because they have highly advanced
techniques for observing, analyzing, and intervening on other systems.

The list of such techniques is long. Take an opinion poll: a quaint thing
that used to allow a politician to get a rough view, every few weeks or so,
of the demos as a differentiated political body. Now compare it to the
real-time analysis of Facebook likes at country level, which allows not
only for a continuous granular apprehension of what the demos cares about,
individual by individual, but also for a differentiated intrusion into our
thinking processes, via targeted advertising and symbolic stimulation of
all sorts. This occurs simultaneously on the level of the person and the
population, and it is hardly the only example of such
observation/intervention.

Governments, corporations, militaries, police forces and some civil-society
organizations develop technical systems for the observation of other
systems. Their aim is to assess what's happening, whether in the financial
markets, among criminal gangs, in a certain sector of professional endeavor
such as scientific research, in a certain ecosystem, etc. When a pattern
becomes clear, then the observing agency can chose the right point to
intervene, with a speculative investment or a gun or a bit of research
funding - or if we are really lucky, by restoring a stream or blocking the
outflow of a toxic chemical. There's nothing new about the process:
science-based propaganda efforts were first carried out in the US during
WWI, and that led on to systematic advertising by giant corporations
anxious to shape the desiring system they call "the consumer." Today, by
applying analytics to large unstructured data sets, observing entities
continually try to stretch the boundary of the system they are analyzing,
just in case some relevant resource for perception or intervention might
lie outside it. I would love to ignore all this and tend my own garden, but
when I look around me at the people who do ignore it, I see vast
psycho-social pathologies that strike fear into my heart. The kind of
modeling that I am doing is at least partially a defensive reaction, it's
part of a collective attempt to set limits on the degree to which we can be
manipulated. It would obviously be important to try to asses the
effectiveness of that kind of attempt.

Of course, no one is able to grasp the total system, nor is anyone's
apprehension of the system true in an absolute sense - and both of those
are important points. However, those points were made in the scientific
community in the wake of Godel's incompleteness theorems in the
mid-twentieth century. The drive for an overarching truth was then largely
abandoned, and the race to create effective instruments was on. Today,
entire populations have become the site of open-air experiments. Can we do
something about it?

I basically agree with your starting points, Prem, and especially with the
notion that one must always begin from inside. The version of complexity
theory that I'm offering is political, which means it is situated,
perspectival, necessarily incomplete and in strong need of dialogue and
cooperation to get anywhere at all. As part of the demos I can ally myself
with others to observe a wide range of observing techniques that are
brought to bear on us by other entities. Similarly we can observe how every
profession defines the boundaries of its field and organizes its analytical
strategies to shape the world around us. Finally, we can try to asses what
they do, how they intervene, how they react to each other's interventions,
how other parts of the demos react, how new strategies are formed through
reflection on previous strategies, whether our own or those of other
entities. Most crucially we can asses what *we* do, what our collective
actions produce in the world. This is a vital assessment currently lacking
to that part of the global demos with which both of us seem to actively
identify, namely "the left."

To perform this kind of analysis which is crucial to action, we have to
make structural models that are sufficiently detailed (not too much not too
little), and then see whether the application of the model yields any
valuable resources. A decade ago, some of us including the much-regretted
Armin Medosch made a model of political-economic change in the
world-economy, which we called Technopolitics. Right now I am trying to
make an interaction model for democratic capitalism within the overlapping
boundaries of the world-economy and the earth-system, which is daunting but
hardly unprecedented.

I mentioned that the elaboration of such models is a defensive activity, ie
an attempt at achieving some degree of closure. By becoming aware of
intersecting strategies one is less likely to unconsciously internalize
their procedures and goals. However this awareness is not achieved in
solitude, but through debate and exchange which create new collective
resources for individuation. Such openness is urgently necessary right now,
because most societies in the world lie under the threat of new kinds of
authoritarianism, while all lie under the threat of global ecological
degradation. Why are these threats arising and worsening? The point is to
answer that question.

warmly, Brian
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