Serbia, Democracy and the issue of Kosovo and Metohija
Ian Bancroft
Serbia's next move
March 11, 2008 8:30 AM
The Serbian government has collapsed in the face of widening divisions over the
country's future ties with the EU. A parliamentary resolution tabled by the
Serb Radical party (SRS), the largest party in the Serbian parliament, and
publicly supported by Prime Minister Kostunica, calling on the EU to "clearly
and unequivocally" confirm Serbia's territorial integrity before further
accession negotiations begin has further split an already dysfunctional
governing coalition.
Though ministers rejected the motion by 15 votes to seven, Kostunica insisted
that the government could no longer function because "there was no united will
to clearly and loudly state that Serbia can continue its path toward the EU
only with Kosovo" and because he "no longer had confidence in the sincerity of
our coalition partners, the Democratic Party (DS) and G17 Plus, to battle to
preserve Kosovo".
In response, the Serbian president, Boris Tadic, has agreed to call an early
general election, scheduled to take place on May 11 alongside municipal
elections, as the most "democratic way to overcome the political crisis".
Tadic has consistently reiterated that Serbia can "best defend our Kosovo from
independence precisely with membership in the European Union" and therefore
confirmed that he would "sign the stabilization and association agreement (SAA)
with the EU immediately if offered".
For Kostunica, however, "all parties want Serbia to join the EU, but the
question is how - with or without Kosovo". With respect to the SAA that Serbia
initialled in November, Kostunica queries how EU member states that have
recognized Kosovo's independence can possibly accept an agreement whose text
reaffirms that " Serbia is a whole state with Kosovo in its borders".
The forthcoming election battle will be primarily framed around this key issue
and articulations of Serbia's future direction. The DS, G17 Plus and the
Liberal Democrats (LDP), the main advocates of EU membership, believe that the
issues of Kosovo and further EU integration are unrelated, and have therefore
vehemently opposed the SRS's resolution.
In an attempt to articulate this dual course of deeper EU ties whilst upholding
Serbia's territorial integrity, Tadic has speculated how, as an EU member,
Serbia could possibly prevent other countries from becoming members, i.e. "we
could prevent Kosovo from joining". Such remarks are consistent with the
Democratic Party's stance that Serbia's territorial integrity is best protected
by signing an SAA with the EU; a stance that was reaffirmed throughout the
recent Presidential campaign.
These elections will provide another stern test for the European perspective in
the western Balkans. Though much was made of Tadic's re-election as a clear
choice for a European future, early elections are likely to provide a clearer
picture of Serbia's current national sentiment.
While Olli Rehn, the EU's commissioner for enlargement, continues to insist
that, "a great majority of Serbian people consistently support EU membership"
and that "it should be a realistic expectation that the Serbian government
listens to this silent majority", a recent opinion poll shows that although 67%
of Serbian citizens support EU integration, 74% would not trade further
integration for recognition of Kosovo's independence. It is therefore highly
questionable as to whether the "silent majority" of which Rehn speaks actually
exists in light of the widespread recognition of Kosovo's independence by EU
member states.
Serbia's education minister, Zoran Loncar, recently called on Rehn to clarify
whether or not the EU observes Serbia's "internationally recognized borders",
which would include Kosovo.
Instead, the EU has merely acknowledged Kosovo's unilateral declaration of
independence and left individual member states to decide on recognition in line
with their own national procedures. The EU's functional incapacity to recognise
states, combined with the lack of a unified stance on Kosovo's status among
member states, means that Rehn cannot possibly provide the clarification
demanded.
On the basis of parliamentary election results from January 2007 and political
developments since then, the SRS will likely benefit most from new elections.
Tadic and the Democratic party face the formidable challenge of convincing the
Serbian electorate that their dual approach of EU integration and opposition to
Kosovo's independence is not beset by inherent contradictions, but instead
constitutes the strongest path for Serbia to follow. In the prevailing
political climate, however, such a strategy and discourse will be severely
tested. If the EU again chooses to implicitly support Tadic and Serbia's more
pro-European voices, as it did prior to February's presidential run-off, then
it should tread extremely carefully.
http://commentisfree.guardian.co.uk/ian_bancroft/2008/03/serbias_next_move.html
Serbian News Network - SNN
[email protected]
http://www.antic.org/
