Landing India's Next Big Investment: Land and mineral rights must
belong to people

By BARUN S. MITRA
The Wall Street Journal
SEPTEMBER 7, 2010
http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748704358904575476871686748794.html

Endemic poverty amid environmental riches has been the fate of most
indigenous tribes in India for generations. There are perhaps 90
million so-called "tribals" in India today, 80% of whom live in the
central belt from the states of Orissa in the East to eastern Gujarat
in the West, to Madhya Pradesh in the North and Andhra Pradesh in the
South. Most of these people live in and around forested areas and are
extremely poor. And a recent government decision to block a British
company's investment shows why they're likely to stay that way.

Last month the central government suspended London-based Vedanta's
permission to mine bauxite in Orissa and issued a "show cause" notice
for violation of forest laws. The committee that reviewed the proposed
$8 billion project noted that the lifestyle of two tribes—the Dongria
Kondh and Kutia Kondh—might be disrupted by interruptions to water
supplies and other natural resources. The committee also said the
tribes consider the hills sacred, although the exact location of the
holy site isn't clear. Vedanta's co-investors withdrew their support
for the project on possible human-rights violations.

Never mind that these two tribes consist of 8,000 people, of whom
about 20% are believed to have been adversely affected. Or that the
mining project lies in the 250-square-kilometer Niyamgiri Hills—of
which only seven square kilometers of one hilltop were supposed to be
mined. Or that none of the tribes were expected to be displaced.

The problem is not necessarily that tribals might object to this
particular mining project. Rather, the trouble is that a lack of clear
property rights makes it impossible for anyone to determine whether
the tribals truly do object—or whether other special interests are
cloaking their own causes in the mantle of tribals' rights. This lack
of clarity helps crony capitalists to muscle in with state patronage.

Under colonial rule, the British failed to recognize the land rights
of tribal people, denying them the ability to own or sell their
property or profit from its resources. Now, some 60 years after
independence, tribals still don't legally own their property, either
individually or as part of a village's common land holdings. The
problem is compounded by the fact that minerals and other underground
natural resources by law belong to the state, not to the people who
work and live on the land.

One result is that an investments like Vedanta's become more
politicized than they otherwise would. Where mining interests seek
ready access to resources, anticorporate activists find an easy target
to campaign against. But if individual tribals were granted land
ownership rights, they could decide for themselves whether to accept a
development project or not. Rather than being forced off their
property, thanks to the abuse of eminent domain by the government—as
often happens—they would be able to shape their own destiny. By the
same token, they would be free to pursue projects they truly wanted.
Only then could land owners and capital providers negotiate as equals
and explore areas of mutual interest.

Delhi is trying to strike a balance, but as usual the politicians may
make matters worse. The government is considering a draft mining law
that proposes to give 26% equity of mining projects to local
populations. The mining industry is vehemently opposed to this idea,
mostly because giving equity may lead to greater uncertainty over
management control. In addition, the tribal population would have to
share the risks associated with such projects that stem from the wide
fluctuations in commodity prices. Most importantly, though, without
clear ownership and objective valuation of assets, it would be
impossible to determine the value of the local people's equity
holdings, leading to possible legal disputes.

Rather than muddy the waters in this way, Delhi would be better served
to consider more fundamental changes. It is time to recognize not only
individual and community land rights, but the right to the minerals
lying under that land too. In addition, there must be a greater
recognition of property rights over village common land and the
associated forests on which its residents depend.

There are already precedents for doing this. In the United States, for
instance, the right to minerals, including oil and gas, belong to the
land owners. These mineral rights can be sold, leased or subdivided,
and these mineral rights can also be separated for different minerals
found in the same property. An estimated one million landowners in
America enjoy these rights.

The Dongria Kondh tribe, at the heart of the present controversy in
Orissa, is officially classified as "primitive." Its members practice
slash-and-burn agriculture and are among the country's poorest
citizens. They are too deprived—socially, economically and
educationally—to be able to reach the rarefied heights of salaried
employment in India; only 10% of India's workforce has that privilege.
The current Chief Justice of India once pitied them as "living on
grass."

How ironic, then, that because of the archaic laws of India, promoters
of a multibillion-dollar mining project cannot directly negotiate with
the people who are on the land. And how tragic that this project's
closure is being celebrated by NGO activists as a "victory." It is
just the opposite.

Mr. Mitra is director of the Liberty Institute, an independent think
tank in New Delhi, and a columnist for WSJ.com.

--
www.ProtectingPropertyRights.org
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