http://www.dailypress.com/news/nationworld/la-fg-nutsbolts3jan03,0,792532.story?coll=sns-newsnation-headlines

Militants' Campaign Twists Logistics of Iraq Election
 
Workers and candidates risk their lives and limit their visibility.
Voting locations are still secret. 


By Ashraf Khalil
Times Staff Writer

Published January 3, 2005

BAGHDAD — The parties have registered, the alliances have formed and
the calls for a delay have mostly died down. With the first frantic
stage of Iraq's landmark electoral saga past, planners face the nuts
and bolts of holding a credible vote in four weeks' time.

Until now, the campaign was almost a theoretical concept. Much of the
work took place inside Baghdad's Green Zone fortress, and the
far-flung local offices of the Independent Electoral Commission kept a
low profile. Most of the estimated 14 million eligible voters were
automatically registered without having to leave their homes.


Now, the campaign planning inevitably will become more visible — and
more of a target. Thousands of temporary employees are being recruited
as quietly as possible. They will operate under constant threat of
attack and somehow have to offer enough voting opportunities in the
insurgency-racked Sunni Muslim heartland to produce a result
acceptable to that vital minority.

Organizers must also oversee the transport of 7 million pounds of
equipment, including ballot boxes, ballots, special ink and 142,000
collapsible polling booths. Where those stations will be situated on
election day has not yet been revealed.

But the lack of security on many highways makes trucking the supplies
too risky. Sunday, an SUV carrying two suicide bombers exploded
alongside an Iraqi troop bus on a road near Balad, northwest of the
capital, killing 20 soldiers. So organizers will resort to what one
electoral expert called "one of the largest airlifts this region has
seen since the first Gulf War."

It would be an intimidating prospect even if organizers had the full
month before the election to get everything in place. But the planners
are concerned that insurgents will simply target warehouses, as in
November, when a building full of registration forms was torched in
Mosul. 

The solution? They're waiting to deliver the equipment in the final 10
days before Jan. 30. 

"It all goes back to the security situation," said the electoral
expert, who has experience in Iraq. "It manifests itself in a lot of
different ways." 

The international team assisting the electoral commission is a
battle-tested group with experience in countries that read like a
travelogue of conflict zones: Indonesia, Kosovo, Cambodia, Liberia and
more. 

But the expert, speaking on condition of anonymity, said restrictions
on their movement in Iraq were "not comparable with any other
country." Traveling to supervise preparation is not an option, and
some organizers are accompanied by armed guards even inside the Green
Zone.

The possibility of assassination is something many electoral workers
and candidates say they have largely accepted as a daily reality. 

The most vulnerable group will be the 250,000 temporary employees
being hired and trained for the vote. The effort is being handled so
quietly that even some of the parties and candidates have heard only
vague rumblings about it.

"We hear people are being hired," said Sharif Ali bin Hussein, head of
the Constitutional Monarchy Movement. "There is clearly some secrecy
about people who are going to be employed because of the security
concerns."

The silence has become a headache for some parties, who can't get
answers to basic questions, such as the locations of polling stations
and when results will be announced. Bin Hussein said he heard
candidates complain that in the southern province of Basra, the local
electoral commission office was nearly impossible to find.

"One can sympathize with their security concerns, but that doesn't
make it easy for the 100-plus [candidate slates] that want to know
exactly where is the map of the polling stations," he said. "We don't
want to guess." 

Still, organizers know they can't hope to keep employee identities or
polling place locations secret for much longer. Once that information
is publicized, it's only a matter of time before the insurgents
strike. The stark reality is that some election workers and candidates
will not survive to see the election. 

The threat was brought into harsh focus last month when three
employees of the commission's Baghdad office were ambushed and killed
on Haifa Street, a notorious stretch of central Baghdad where
insurgents hold sway.

The electoral expert said the killings themselves weren't as shocking
as the brutal details. The employees were traveling with armed guards
but were overwhelmed by a large force of gunmen, dragged out of their
cars and executed in front of rush-hour drivers. The bodies lay on the
street for hours, as residents refrained from even covering them for
fear of being targeted. Still, he said, not a single member of the
commission's Baghdad staff resigned.

Candidates face their own set of violence-fueled logistical hurdles.
These center on how to get their names and messages out in an
environment where security concerns make it almost impossible to
address the public.

"Every day we are moving targets in the streets," said Ahmad Shyaa
Barak, a former member of the defunct Iraqi Governing Council and a
Democratic Society Movement candidate.

Barak, an economist and lawyer, said the normal practice of
meet-and-greet campaigning is severely constrained in large parts of
Iraq. He can't hold open rallies and most often meets with invited and
screened groups of university professors, activists and civic leaders. 

Last week, the Baghdad headquarters of a prominent Shiite Muslim
religious party, the Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in Iraq,
was struck by a suicide car bomb that killed nine people. 

Saad Jawad, chairman of the party's political bureau, acknowledged
that fear of attack is "a big obstacle to campaigning as well as to
the election itself." The party has hung posters and banners in
friendly neighborhoods and towns, but Jawad indicated that the ability
to canvass door to door or hold large rallies was nonexistent in some
areas.

Other parties, however, boast of their ability to operate more openly.
Bin Hussein, a Sunni whose title, Sharif, marks him as a descendant of
the prophet Muhammad, says he can campaign in areas other candidates
would avoid.

On a recent tour of Basra, a largely Shiite province, Bin Hussein said
he had held rallies in Zubayr, a Sunni enclave, despite the warnings
of local police.

"It went very well," he said. "We weren't allowing anyone to constrain
our movements."

Bin Hussein, the cousin of Iraq's last king, Faisal II, who was
deposed and executed in 1958, claims to be one of the few remaining
voices of what he calls the "central provinces" — the Sunni Triangle,
where hostility toward the U.S. presence and interim government is
most intense.

The recent withdrawal of the Iraqi Islamic Party in protest of the
refusal to delay the vote, only sharpens his appeal as the voice of
Sunnis, Bin Hussein said. The comparative immunity he claims to enjoy
stems from a pair of factors: the lack of government taint because of
his party's refusal to be part of the Governing Council and what he
calls a consistent "soft line on the insurgency."

"The military solution hasn't worked for a year and a half," he said.
"The only way out, as always, is through negotiated dialogue."

But Bin Hussein's immunity only goes so far. He acknowledges that
because of the risks involved, his public rallies have been "closer to
what Americans would consider town hall meetings, 100 to 500 people."

"There's still a lot of crazies out there, which we have to be careful
of," he said. "If somebody wants to strap himself with TNT … there's
no security to prevent that." 

Times staff writer Robin Fields contributed to this report.








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