http://musicalinfidels.blogspot.com/2007/11/middle-east-journalism-and-west-
public.html
 

Middle
<http://musicalinfidels.blogspot.com/2007/11/middle-east-journalism-and-west
-public.html> East Journalism and the West "Public Secret": Staging the News



 <http://www.powerlineblog.com/archives2/2007/11/018992.php> The "public
secret" of Middle East Journalism



During my whirlwind tour of Israel this past summer I had the great good
fortune of meeting Boston University Professor Richard Landes. Professor
Landes has doggedly sought the exposure of fraudulent journalism out of the
Middle East. He has pursued his quarry both at Second Draft (where he has
specialized in Pallywood and the staged Al Dura affair) and at Augean
Stables. Pajamas Media has now posted his excellent column summarizing the
pervasive evidence of staging in the case of Al Dura and the reaction of
France 2, the organ responsible for broadcasting the production.



JOHN adds: I would urge our readers to read Landes's article with care,
because it has implications far beyond the Al Dura case. First, Landes
argues that western journalists are widely aware of the fact that much of
the Palestinian video footage that comes to them is staged, but they prefer
that their own consumers in the West not be in on the "secret." Second,
Landes notes that the Islamic Mass Media Charter, which sets out a code of
ethics for Muslim journalists, implicitly encourages false reporting by
establishing, as principles of journalism, the twin obligations to "censor
all materials" where necessary to protect the umma, and to "[t]o combat
Zionism and its colonialist policy of creating settlements as well as its
ruthless suppression of the Palestinian people."


 <http://www.pajamasmedia.com/2007/11/mideast_journalisms_public_sec.php> 
Al-Dura and the "Public Secret" of Middle East Journalism

Source: Pagamas Media

(excerpts)

The evidence emerging from the ongoing Al Dura trial in France indicates
that Western journalists are fully aware that some of the footage they use
in their reports on the Mideast conflict is staged, charges Richard Landes.
When confronted with the pervasive evidence of staging in the case of Al
Dura, the reaction of France 2, which ran the story, has been essentially
that “everybody does it.”

by Richard Landes
November 11, 2007 1:00 AM

In the summer of 2006, Reuters News Agency, humiliated when bloggers caught
them duped by obvious photographic manipulation, fired both the photographer
and the chief of their photographic bureau. They then removed all the
photographer’s photos from their news archive. In so doing, they acted
decisively in punishing two of the cardinal sins of modern journalism:
“creating evidence” and getting duped by created evidence.

These principles – i.e., the ethics of a free press – go so deep, that
Westerners apparently have difficulty imagining that others might not share
our commitments. Thus few people believe claims that footage of Muhammad al
Dura, the twelve year old boy allegedly gunned down by Israelis at Netzarim
Junction on September 30, 2000, was staged. Charles Enderlin, the
correspondent for France2 who presented the tale to the world, derisively
and successfully dismisses such claims as a conspiracy theory as ludicrous
as those about 9-11. How absurd: Palestinian journalists would not do such a
thing; and if they did, the Western media would catch it. To this day, most
journalists still ask, “Who killed al Dura?” not, “Was he killed in the
footage we see?”

[*****]

Which brings us to a problem more complex than the fairly straightforward
observation that Palestinian journalists play by a different set of rules in
which this kind of manipulation of the “truth” is entirely legitimate. What
do Western journalists do with these products of propaganda? Do they know
these are fakes or are they fooled? Do they tell the cameramen working for
them and using their equipment that filming such staged scenes is unethical
and unacceptable? And if they do, why do cameramen who have worked for them
for years – Talal worked for Enderlin for over a decade when he took these
rushes – continue to film these scenes. And how often do our journalists run
this staged footage as real news?

Here the evidence provided by the Al Dura affair suggests that, in some
sense, journalists are “in” on the public secret. When representatives of
France2 were confronted with the pervasive evidence of staging in Talal’s
footage, they both responded the same way. “Oh, they always do that, it’s a
cultural thing,” said Enderlin to me in Jerusalem. “Yes Monsieur, but, you
know, it’s always like that,” said Didier Eppelbaum to Denis Jeambar, Daniel
Leconte, and Luc Rosenzweig in Paris.

As an echo of this astonishing private complacency, Clément Weill-Raynal of
France3 made a comment to a journalist that he meant as a criticism of
Karsenty: “Karsenty is so shocked that fake images were used and edited in
Gaza, but this happens all the time everywhere on television and no TV
journalist in the field or a film editor would be shocked.”

The implications of this remark undermine its very use in his argument: How
can Karsenty defame Enderlin by accusing him of using staged footage when,
as Clément Weill-Raynal here admits, everybody does it? Is it wrong to do
this? And if so, why does Weill-Raynal criticize Karsenty for blowing the
whistle? If not, where’s the defamation?

We may have stumbled here onto the very nature of public secrets and the
value of a good reputation: everyone can cheat so long as no one is caught.
It’s okay for the insiders to know, but the effectiveness of the
(mis)information depends on the public not knowing. As Daniel Leconte
reproached Eppelbaum: “the media may know [about this staging], but the
public doesn’t.” Indeed, the public must not know. CNN advertises itself as
“The Most Trusted Name in News,” not because it struggles against the
influences, like access journalism, that destroy trustworthiness, but
because it knows how important trust is to their audience public consumers
of news. Thus, even if Western journalists use staged footage regularly,
they cannot admit it. And, if denial doesn’t work, then, apparently, the
next move is to say, “it’s nothing; everyone does it.”

An incident at Ramallah, however, suggests that Western journalists have
systematically submitted to Palestinian demands that they practice
Palestinian journalism. On October 12, 2000, to cries of “Revenge for the
blood of Muhammad al Dura,” Palestinian men tore to pieces the bodies of two
Israeli reservists. Aware of the potential damage, Palestinians attacked any
journalist taking pictures. And yet, one Italian crew working for a private
news station, at great risk to their lives, smuggled out the footage. Eager
to avoid being blamed, the representative of Italy’s “official television
station RAI” wrote to the PA that his station would never do such a thing,



…because we always respect (will continue to respect) the journalistic
procedures with the Palestinian Authority for (journalistic) work in
Palestine…


Just what are these “journalistic procedures”? Do they resemble the rules of
the Jakarta charter, including the censorship of anything damaging to the
Palestinian cause (no matter how true), and publication of anything damaging
to the Israeli cause (no matter how inauthentic)? The PA, apparently unaware
that this is not how journalism should be done in the West, published the
letter.

But on the side where modern journalism allegedly reigns, such revelations
were profoundly embarrassing: even the normally timid Israeli government
“temporarily suspended” the press card of Roberto Cristiano, and no one in
the normally aggressive Western media objected. Cristiano had violated the
basic rule of Western journalism’s omerta, and openly admitted shameful
practices. The public consumer of Mainstream Media (MSM) “news” needs to
ask, “How many journalists adhere to these Palestinian rules, and how much
does that adherence distort, even invert, our understanding of what goes on
in this interminable conflict? Can we afford this “public secret”?

Nor can we expect the MSM to discuss this willingly. On the contrary,
awareness of the importance of trust often enough leads journalists to hide
their mistakes rather than admit and learn from them.

[*****]

Moreover, Enderlin’s failure, at this point, seven years later, implicates
the larger MSM who, with their refusal to even allow the critique to air,
protect him. This dilemma may partly explain why the MSM in France has
scarcely mentioned this case; why they had nothing to say about the initial
trial until Karsenty lost, at which point they leapt into print to reassure
the public that the image choc of the Intifada “was not staged.” Enderlin,
after all, is not some Palestinian hack, even if he trusts and therefore
regularly channels the work of such “journalists.” He is perhaps the best
known and most widely trusted European correspondent in the Middle East.
Surely, as a Jew and an Israeli, he would not report false stories that
blackened his own country’s name. They must be true.

More ominously, just as Al Dura represents a “higher truth” for Muslims — a
justification for hatred, a call to revenge — so does it carry symbolic
freight with Europeans. Catherine Nay, a respected news anchor for Europe1,
welcomed the image:



The Death of Muhammad cancels out, erases that of the Jewish child, his
hands in the air from the SS in the Warsaw Ghetto.


How ironic! The Europeans use an image produced by those who admire the
Nazis and dream of genocidal victory over the Jews, to erase their own guilt
over the Holocaust. In so doing, Europe has “atoned” for its sins against
the Jews by empowering its Muslim extremists.

So not to admit such mistakes, destroys the very fabric of the civil society
that allows a free press. In the long history of blood libels, no people
have benefited from embracing the twisted hatreds they evoked.

At what point does self-protection become self-destruction, not only for the
journalists who deny their errors no matter how costly, but for the public
that believes them? As an Israeli journalist remarked: “Every day I have to
walk the fine line between loyalty to my sources and loyalty to my
audience.” How grievously have our journalists betrayed us, their audience,
for the sake of finding favor in the eyes of their sources?

Palestinian journalists, in their own ethical declarations, argue that their
role is to defend their cause and weaken its enemies. Journalism for them is
war by other means; the media, a theater of war. Honesty and fairness do not
intrude on this ethical prescription, but merely present a requirement for
versimilitude designed to deceive susceptible Western audiences and incite
Muslim rage.

In this clash of journalistic cultures, how often has the Western media
played the “useful idiots” to Palestinian demands. How often have they
presented Palestinian “truths” to us as “news”?

 



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