Cowen is right. That´s why most of the Latin American and European
countries are wary about running high deficits. They know the results,
unlike Paul Kurgman and Dean Baker.


http://www.nytimes.com/2010/07/18/business/18view.html?_r=1&ref=todayspaper

What Germany Knows About Debt

David G. Klein
By TYLER COWEN
Published: July 16, 2010
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CloseLinkedinDiggMixxMySpaceYahoo! BuzzPermalink IN many countries,
including the United States, there are calls for the government to
spend more to jump-start the economy, and to avoid the temptation to
cut back as debts mount.

Germany, however, has decided to cast its lot with fiscal prudence. It
has managed rising growth and falling unemployment, while putting
together a plan for a nearly balanced budget within six years. On
fiscal policy and economic recovery, Americans could learn something
from the German example.

Twentieth-century history may help explain German behavior today.
After all, the Germans lost two World Wars, experienced the Weimar
hyperinflation and saw their country divided and partly ruined by
Communism. What an American considers as bad economic times, a German
might see as relative prosperity. That perspective helps support a
greater concern with long-run fiscal caution, because it is not
assumed that a brighter future will pay all the bills.

Even if this pessimism proves wrong more often than not, it is like
buying earthquake or fire insurance: sometimes it comes in handy. You
can’t judge the policy by asking whether your house catches on fire
every single year.

Keynesians have criticized fiscal caution at this point in the
economic cycle, arguing that fiscal stimulus will give economies more,
not less, protection against adverse events. But is that argument
valid?

Certainly, in Germany, the recent history of fiscal stimulus wasn’t
entirely positive. After reunification in 1990, the German government
borrowed and spent huge amounts of money to finance reconstruction and
to bring East German living standards up to West German levels.
Millions of new consumers were added to the economy.

These policies did unify the country politically but were not
overwhelmingly successful economically. An initial surge was followed
by years of disappointing results for output and employment. Germany’s
taxes remain high, and overall West German living standards failed to
rise at the same rate as those of most other wealthy countries.

Persuading former East Germans to spend more as consumers turned out
to be less important than making sure that they had the skills to mesh
with the economic expansion of the country. It is no surprise that
many Germans are now skeptical about debt-financed government spending
or excessive reliance on domestic consumers.

In recent times, Germany has shown signs of regaining a pre-eminent
economic position. Policy makers have returned to long-run planning,
and during the last decade have liberalized their labor markets,
introduced greater wage flexibility and recently passed a
constitutional amendment for a nearly balanced budget by 2016, meaning
that the structural deficit should not exceed 0.35 percent of gross
domestic product.

Amid the sluggish economies of much of Europe, Germany has booming
exports and is nearing full capacity utilization. And many of its
workers are postponing vacations to produce, and earn, more. The
unemployment rate in Germany is 7.5 percent — below that of the United
States — and falling.

Far from embracing this social democratic model, American Keynesians
have criticized it for relying too heavily on exports and not enough
on spending and debt. Yet it is not just the decline in the euro’s
value that supports the German resurgence.

Most of the other euro-zone economies are not having comparable
success because they did not make the appropriate investments and
reforms. Moreover, the euro is still stronger than its average value
since 2001, which suggests that the recent German success is not
attributable only to a falling currency.

In any case, the Germans are exporting much quality machinery and
engineering (not just glitzy autos), which can help other nations
recover. It is an odd state of affairs when the relatively productive
nations are asked to change successful policies because of an economic
downturn.

The German government is also making credible long-term commitments to
reduce its debt. Germany’s ratio of debt to G.D.P. has been hovering
in the unhealthy range of more than 70 percent, and the country has
one of the lowest birth rates in the developed world, which raises the
question of how to pay for future pensions.

Yet many investors consider German bonds a haven, in part because the
government has a reputation for addressing fiscal issues promptly and
responsibly. It is working to cut government spending, although not in
crucial long-term areas of research and education.

Germany is likely to continue having a higher relative level of
government spending than the United States. But the German civil
service has a stronger hand in writing legislation — a role that
limits the sort of waste and short-term thinking that Congress injects
into American law. It is also well understood in German political
discourse that tax cuts need to be paid for.

THE German economy is far from perfect. In addition to high taxes and
a low birth rate, there are potential solvency problems in German
banks, and these institutions lack transparency. Furthermore, poorer
countries may need a looser monetary policy from the European Central
Bank than Germany wishes to support.

Nonetheless, it’s a common German attitude that adding debt, whether
private or public, will not solve those problems. In fact, debt can
provide the illusion of relief and thus postpone their resolution.
Increased spending is a quick fix for what are very often more
fundamental difficulties.

The point is not that Americans can or should copy Germany. But are
German policy makers so wrong in their long-term orientation? We can
lecture, or we can listen. The choice is ours.


Tyler Cowen is a professor of economics at George Mason University.






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