Cde Mashao, has made an assertion that he is " the strongest view that our people bearing the brunt of isolation and general poverty will choose between: a leadership founded out of revolution or a leadership founded on efficiency". But Cde Mashao has not provide a theoretical and conceptual advance including context as to what entails "a leadership founded out of revolution" ? We may assume that "efficiency ticket" refers to taking advantage and parasite on public demands of/ for quality service delivery! An act which Cde Mashao further explains as "that to remove the ruling elite on an efficiency ticket would be a difficult one as this ground is already taken and occupied by the DA."
But, we know that in the historical context of the development of the people's struggles and revolution, the masses possess the potential and concrete possibility of moving from their current situation of social degradation, exploitation and underdevelopment to a new stage in making and crafting their history, a leap to a higher form of economic, social and cultural existence. Fidel Castro in Cuba advanced a revolution based firstly on the immediate demands of the people linked to the a medium-long terms political objectives and gaols as formulated by the vanguard party which operates on the basis of a revolutionary programme and organisational discipline. I would therefore treat what Cde Mashao calls as "efficiency ticket" as referring to immediate demands. What should be the distinction of our political methods and interest as a party (PAC) using the ticket of efficiency from those of DA, ANC and any other neo-colonial and bourgeoisie formations. is persuasively expressed by Leon Trotsky, when confronted with consistent political and ideological battle in the Socialist Workers Party (SWP), the American section of the Fourth International, battles orchestrated by Shachtmanite leading a minority section which led to a treacherously fragmentation of the SWP just before World War II. In answer to the question of whether the political differences, warranted a split, Trotsky stated that "If we take the Political differences as they are, we can say they were not sufficient for a split, but if they developed a tendency to turn away from the proletariat in the direction of petty-bourgeois circles then the same differences can have an absolutely different value; a different weight; if they are connected with a different social group". This is a very important point. Trotsky further argues that "We have the fact that the minority split away from us, in spite of all the measures taken by the majority not to split. This signifies that their inner social feeling was such that it is impossible for them to go together with us. It is a petty-bourgeois tendency, not a proletarian" (In Defense of Marxism, page 181). The relevance of this advance by Leon Trotsky and I concur and uphold, is that mobilising the people on the "efficiency ticket" should be based on a Pan Africanist party programme that is socialist in content to build and strengthen a socialist movement driven by the workers for total liberation of Azania and Unification of Africa under a socialist order and for liquidation of capital imperialism. Certainly using the "efficiency ticket" cannot be supported as another African comprador bourgeoisie voting cattle expedition hoping to secure more seats in the neo-colonial capitalist parliament, this is what DA and ANC pursues daily. The PAC should be distinct in its political a=work and method, this far PAC has dismally failed as demonstrated by the 2009 national elections and many previous elections. By default recently PAC has just become a political formation of very angry African nationalist who feel betrayed by CODESA full of revolutionary rhetoric and black African narrow demagogues. I concur with Cde Mabaso's advance from Mao that the party should act and behave like a fish in the water, however the limitation of a fish is that if the water is filthy and unhealthy the life of a fish is at risk. The same analogy applies to the party, that if the party is not vigilant and levels of revolutionary theory are not adequately deepened, the risk facing the party due to the external (polluted water) environment will infect the (fish) party to an extent that the existence of the (fish) party within the (water) masses becomes insignificant or the party become radar-less. The bourgeoisiefication of the African society and emergence of the an African workers with the depletion of the African peasantry replaced by an emergence of commercial capitalist agricultural system and industrialisation has led to the bitter reality that our external international and south African environment has capitalism as a dominant mode of production and distribution thus capital imperialism has engineered through the state retention of a capitalist social structure. Hence 1991 to 1993 CODESA Negotiations has reformed the a capitalist system that manifested itself in the form of the racist settler colonial state and regime, into a de-racialised capitalist system that manifested itself in the form of the neo-colonial state. Cabral (1966) made the following remarks that " if, on the one had, imperialist capital has had, in the great majority of the dominated countries, the simple function of multiplying surplus value, it can be seen on the other hand that the historical capacity of capital (as indestructible accelerator of the process of development of productive forces) depends strictly on its freedom, that is to say on the degree of independence with which it is utilized. We must however recognize that in certain cases imperialist capital or moribund capitalism has had sufficient self-interest, strength and time to increase the level of productive forces (as well as building towns) and to allow a minority of the local population to attain a higher and even privileged standard of living, thus contributing to a process which some would call dialectical, by widening the contradictions within the societies in question". Inherently as we commonly say that capitalism digs its own grave, what Cde Mashao refers as efficiency ticket, it is in actual fact an exposition of the failures of the neo-colonial capitalist state. Democratic Alliance (DA) will not necessarily organise the masses for the over-throwal of system simply because jointly with the African National Congress an African nationalist liberal party that advances the class interest of an African Comprador Bourgeoisie, DA and ANC have ideologically and politically embraced the neo-liberal free market (capitalist) system, so DA sees the disgruntled masses as a potential voting cattle. The DA takes advantage of the people's situation and using the efficiency ticket, DA presents its political case as an alternative to the ANC. Given the unfulfilled promises and abhorring living conditions, the masses are vulnerable and blind. As a result, any party amidst its ideological orientation will influence the masses for its own political interests as a voting cattle or pressure group. Whilst in some cases, the masses will embark on any form of erratic protest actions in the absence of a revolutionary party functioning on the basis of a revolutionary programme Both ANC and DA as political parties represent what Cabral refers to as "imperialist capital or moribund capitalism has had sufficient self-interest, strength and time to increase the level of productive forces (as well as building towns) and to allow a minority of the local population to attain a higher and even privileged standard of living". These are an African Comprador Bourgeoisie and Kwame Nkrumah refers to these as neo-colonial agents. Regrettably within the ranks of the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania we have seen that there are those who qualify to be clustered or grouped to form part of that " minority of the population" that is an African Comprador Bourgeoisie that attained higher and privileged standard of living. Consequently, the path to transform the people's social condition requires that firstly the PAC should be re-organised and renewed on a revolutionary path to be a mass based party based on a socialist programme for a socialist revolution as per the political analysis made in the PAC Political Commissar's Field Manual. In Nigeria progressive forces made the following observation and conclusion about the political and social relations in Nigeria "big capitalist economic models like Europe, US etc. are experiencing such ravaging economic crisis and austerity, then the fate of neo-colonial countries like Nigeria is doomed on the basis of capitalism. This is why socialists in Nigeria continue to offer the alternative of socialism as the best way to develop society". Their experience about the strength of socialism to unite people across race, culture and creed is that the 2012 January's general strike presented the possibility of a radical change. In the book Class struggle in Africa a Pan Africanist leader, Kwame Nkrumah advanced a postulate that "The total liberation and unification of Africa under an All-African socialist government must be the primary objective of all Black revolutionaries throughout the world. It is an objective which, when achieved, will bring about the fulfilment of the aspirations of African and people of African descent everywhere.". Nkrumah on the African revolution for total liberation and unification of Africa furthermore elaborate and agitates that "It will at the same time advance the triumph of the international socialist revolution, and the onward progress towards world communism, under which, every society is ordered on the principle of-from each according As comrades will note that the logic and perspective I advance is that there is nothing wrong to take advantage of the ticket efficiency as a short term necessity understood as people's immediate demands as long as the party is able to integrate and intertwine immediate demands to long term political goal of the party to achieve seizure of state political power for social transformation and socialisation of the means of production and for total liberation and Unity of Africa. The party cannot be silent on critical matters such as public corruption, nepotism, poor or non- service delivery, Eastern Cape education debacle, Limpopo non-delivery of books to schools, high unemployment, poverty, inequality since the people are confronted by these issue on daily basis. The political task of the party is to furthermore based these to a programme and any revolutionary programme of the party should be based on both immediate and long-term fundamental interests of the people, and it is the political task of the party to educate and agitate the masses, as opposed to have a blind membership and support base. Therefore, with the The efficiency ticket can well serve and be treated as immediate demands raised by the people such as e-toll; banning labour brokers; electricity Tariffs hikes; free and Access to education; employment; decent working conditions and wages; dignified and quality basic services such as health, education, housing, food, electricity, water, land and so forth. Lenin success is primarily because of poverty and related social maladies that engulfed Russia, these were identified and used as immediate demands through which the party embarked upon mass agitation and political education. It is through political education and agitation including political work in the daily community and workplace struggles waged by the workers and peasants and broadly both the employed and unemployed that the party explains its political case to the people as the party functions and forms party of the people's daily struggles, taking advantage of their social and political immediate demands. Revolutionary leader(s) and leadership will organically evolve and emerge from this conditions and forms of political work. It will self-aggrandisement for one without direct organisational and mass line political work experience to claim that he/she is a revolutionary leader or presenting as a revolutionary leader, a person without proven current credentials of organisational and mass line experience and also lacking party political line. But we cannot be blind of the patty bourgeoisie tendency that has engulfed the movement and the party whereat comrades are highly regarded "revolutionaries" because in 1970 or 1980 or 1990 they did this or that therefore they qualify for this leadership role or that leadership role, these petty bourgeoisie methods goes further to fish for those comrades who used to active in PAC before 1994 as messiah's of the "revolution". These methods are not only a demonstration of petty bourgeoisie bankruptcy they furthermore demonstrates poor grasp of revolutionary theory and organisation. Revolutionary theory makes it succinctly that the masses without a revolutionary party and leadership will tend to embark upon erratic and spontaneous protest actions that are not sustainable. In Actual fact, the very fact that South Africa has had more public protest recently and the people across the country had not looked in the direction of the PAC should be adequate evidence that the PAC has failed to assume any revolutionary role and form for it factual lacks a revolutionary programme. This progress depends on the concrete possibilities of development of the society's productive forces and is governed mainly by the nature of the political power ruling the society, that is to say, by the type of state or, if one likes, by the character of the dominant class or classes within the society. Shango Lasho Nkrumah Raymond Kgagudi 0749226361 -- Sending your posting to payco@googlegroups.com Unsubscribe by sending an email to payco-unsubscr...@googlegroups.com You can also visit http://groups.google.com/group/payco Visit our website at www.mayihlome.wordpress.com
