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http://www.fair.org/index.php?page=3042

Fairness & Accuracy In Reporting (FAIR)
Action Alert

NYT Breaks Own Anonymity Rules
Paper pushes Iran threat with one-sided array of unnamed officials
2/16/07

In the wake of its disastrous pre-war reporting on Iraq, the New York
Times implemented new rules governing its use of unnamed sources. Its lead
story on February 10, promoting Bush administration charges against Iran,
violated those rules.

In the report, "Deadliest Bomb in Iraq Is Made by Iran, U.S. Says," Times
reporter Michael R. Gordon cited a one-sided array of anonymous sources
charging the Iranian government with providing a particularly deadly
variety of roadside bomb to Shia militias in Iraq: "The most lethal weapon
directed against American troops in Iraq is an explosive-packed cylinder
that United States intelligence asserts is being supplied by Iran."
According to Gordon:


In interviews, civilian and military officials from a broad range of
government agencies provided specific details to support what until now
has been a more generally worded claim, in a new National Intelligence
Estimate, that Iran is providing "lethal support" to Shiite militants in
Iraq.


Repeatedly citing the likes of "administration officials," "American
intelligence" and "Western officials," the article used unnamed sources
four times as often as named ones. Only one source in Gordon’s report
challenged the official claims: Iranian United Nations ambassador Javad
Zarif, who was allowed a one-sentence denial of Iranian government
involvement.

On the central charge of the article--that the Iranian government is
providing the weapons to Shia militias in Iraq--not a single source was
named. Instead, Gordon offered a peculiar, seemingly second-hand citation
of an intelligence document:


An American intelligence assessment described to the New York Times said
that "as part of its strategy in Iraq, Iran is implementing a deliberate,
calibrated policy--approved by Supreme Leader Khamenei and carried out by
the Quds Force--to provide explosives support and training to select Iraqi
Shia militant groups to conduct attacks against coalition targets." The
reference was to Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the Iranian leader, and to an
elite branch of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Command that is
assigned the task of carrying out paramilitary operations abroad.


Who exactly is doing this "describing" is not made clear. This would seem
to violate the Times' rules on quoting unnamed sources (New York Times
Company, "Confidential News Sources," 2/25/04): "We have long observed the
principle of identifying our sources by name and title or, when that is
not possible, explaining why we consider them authoritative, why they are
speaking to us and why they have demanded confidentiality."

The paper’s rules also state:


The use of unidentified sources is reserved for situations in which the
newspaper could not otherwise print information it considers reliable and
newsworthy. When we use such sources, we accept an obligation not only to
convince a reader of their reliability but also to convey what we can
learn of their motivation - as much as we can supply to let a reader know
whether the sources have a clear point of view on the issue under
discussion.


The rules go on to advise:


In any situation when we cite anonymous sources, at least some readers may
suspect that the newspaper is being used to convey tainted information or
special pleading. If the impetus for anonymity has originated with the
source, further reporting is essential to satisfy the reporter and the
reader that the paper has sought the whole story.


Besides the sheer over-reliance on unnamed officials, Gordon never
explained why these officials demanded confidentiality; nor did he attempt
to convince the reader of the sources' reliability--a daunting job,
considering how unreliable the current administration's intelligence
claims have proven in the past. It's this poor record that makes it even
more incumbent on Gordon to avoid unnamed sources when he can, and to
forcefully challenge claims emanating from previously unreliable quarters.
Instead, Gordon merely informed readers that the anonymous assertions in
the article were "both politically and diplomatically volatile," which
would hardly explain the necessity for obscuring their source.

Gordon's article was followed by the formal U.S. unveiling of their
evidence against Iran, a bizarre press event in which reporters were asked
to shield the identities of the Pentagon briefers. These charges appeared
in the Times on February 12, under the headline "U.S. Says Arms Link
Iranians to Iraqi Shiites." The report, while presenting much of the U.S.
case fairly uncritically, did note that charges of official Iranian
government complicity were "asserted, without providing direct evidence,"
and that "such an assertion was an inference based on general intelligence
assessments."

Nonetheless, the Times agreed to the ground rules for the military
briefing, explaining to readers only that officials said “that without
anonymity, a senior Defense Department analyst who participated in the
briefing could not have contributed.” In other words, the anonymous
sources have to be anonymous because they have to be anonymous.
Nonetheless, this account was far less conclusive than Gordon’s sneak
preview on February 10, which asserted a much stronger link between these
explosives and the Iranian government. And following the official
briefing, some U.S. officials—including Gen. Peter Pace, the chair of the
Joint Chiefs of Staff—were clear that they did not have strong evidence
linking Iran's government to the explosives (L.A. Times, 2/15/07).

The similarity between the current New York Times reporting hyping an Iran
threat and the paper's credulous prewar Iraq reporting are not
coincidental. Gordon was co-author, along with disgraced reporter Judith
Miller, of two of six stories singled out in the paper's May 26, 2004
apology for faulty Iraq reporting, including the Times story that falsely
touted the now-famous "aluminum tubes" as components of an Iraqi nuclear
weapons program.

The paper's mea culpa, in the form of an editors' note, explained some of
the editorial shortcomings that resulted in publishing misleading and
embarrassing reports: “Editors at several levels who should have been
challenging reporters and pressing for more skepticism were perhaps too
intent on rushing scoops into the paper.... Articles based on dire claims
about Iraq tended to get prominent display, while follow-up articles that
called the original ones into question were sometimes buried." Where are
the editors who should be "pressing for more skepticism" this time around?

Five days after his original report, Gordon published another story ("Why
Accuse Iran of Meddling Now? U.S. Officials Explain," 2/15/07) that
defended the Bush administration against critics' charges they were
publicizing two-year-old charges in order to establish pretexts for
attacking Iran, or to blame Iran for coalition failures in Iraq. Once
again, Gordon's follow-up piece was almost totally dependent on unnamed
sources. As Editor & Publisher put it (2/15/07), Gordon, "aim[ing] to
quiet the skeptics, cit[ed] only the following sources: 'American
officials'…. 'one military official'…'military officials' …'American
officials'…'American military officials.'"

In his original February 10 report, Gordon wrote, "Administration
officials said they recognized that intelligence failures related to
prewar American claims about Iraq’s weapons arsenal could make critics
skeptical about the American claims." While "critics" are surely
skeptical, shouldn’t reporters for the New York Times, given their recent
record on similar matters, be even more so?

ACTION: Please contact New York Times public editor Byron Calame and urge
him to look into why the paper's rules about anonymity are not applied to
Michael Gordon--especially considering how Gordon's pre-Iraq War reporting
embarrassed the Times.

CONTACT:

New York Times
Byron Calame, Public Editor
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
Phone: (212) 556-7652
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