Hello everyone,

Chapter 5 is a first step to applying the doctrine of Dicisigns to
cognition. Let's begin with the Adaptation to Rationality hypothesis. We'll
move into the ventral-dorsal split and its relation to Dicisigns in a few
days.

Stjernfelt focuses on the promising work of linguist James Hurford in
consolidating neuropsychological findings with logic. Following Hurford,
Stjernfelt focuses on visual perception here, although the senses of touch,
hearing, and smell seems to follow suit. Essentially, Stjernfelt develops
Hurford's hypothesis further by connecting it to Peirce's Dicisigns, thus
eliminating many problems in Hurford's account that stem from his
psychological stance regarding logic.

Peirce's anti-psychological stance about logic so thoroughly discussed in
earlier chapters of *NP *means that principles of psychology should not be
used to study logic. However, the principles of logic, including the very
structure of Dicisigns, could be legitimately used to study psychology,
according to Stjernfelt. Given that logic is the study of the conditions of
truth, and minds presumably developed to assist the organism in identifying
opportunities and threats in the environment, the mind would be under
selective pressure to develop cognitions that identify true opportunities
and threats. Stjernfelt calls this the Adaptation to Rationality
hypothesis. In a footnote on page 127, he quotes Peirce:

[[ But the views of all the leading schools of Logic of the present day, of
which there are three or four, are all decidedly opposed to those of the
present writer. That common tendency of them which he most of all opposes
is that toward regarding human consciousness as the author of rationality,
instead of as more or less conforming to rationality. Even if we can find
no better definition of rationality than that it is that character of
arguments to which experience and reflexion would tend indefinitely to make
human approval conform, there still remains a world-wide difference between
that idea and the opinion just mentioned. But the thinkers of our day seem
to regard the distinction between being the product of the human mind and
being that to which the human mind * would *approximate to thinking if
sufficiently influenced by experience and reflection, as a distinction of
altogether secondary importance, and hardly worth notice; while to the
writer, no distinction appears more momentous than that between “is” and
“would be”. ] “Essays on Meaning. Preface (Meaning Preface)” 23 Oct 1909,
MS 640.]

Peirce rejects the view that rationality is a construct of human mental
processes for various reasons. One reason is that rationality is the
product of trained, reflective thought in humans, not the general product
of the human mind. Another reason stems from his realism. The world already
contains conspicuous Dicisigns advertising themselves as representing
something real in the world (NP, p. 111) before a mind picks them up. Both
of these reasons present adaptation to rationality, the former in ontogeny,
through individual experience and cultivation, and the latter in phylogeny,
through natural selection (and possibly other evolutionary mechanisms). An
interesting question here is the relationship between plasticity and
adaptation to rationality. Presumably, the more fixed and stereotypical the
behavior of the species, the more likely this behavior conforms to rational
needs in its species-typical environment. Is the plastic human mind in its
native state less adapted to rationality than animal minds, since humans
need to be focused, attentive, experiential, and reflective to become more
adapted to rationality?

Mara Woods
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