Dear Michael, lists,

Thank you for a whole essay on markedness - a great essay. I certainly agree 
with the importance of Jakobson's ideas about assymmetry relations as central 
to language - as well as with his insistence that semantic issues should 
receive priority.

It is not completely correct, however, that I have not adressed these issues 
(certainly not in the NP now discussed, but I did spend a chapter of 
Diagrammatology on it (ch. 7 on mereology)), Michael may be right I did not go 
far enough in that direction. My argument there was that Jakobson's markedness 
doctrine is motivated by mereology (the asymmetry between part and whole) and 
thus comparable to (and probably inspired by)  Husserl's dependency calculus of 
the 3rd Logical Investigation as well as to Peirce's attempt at a dependency 
calculus of the 1-2-3 categories (this is developed a bit in ch. 11 of that 
book).

I still have an uncompleted pet project of taking this investigation further to 
cover also Hjelmslev's vast extension of markedness (he strongly disagreed with 
Jakobsonian binarism and made a more complex taxonomy of many different types 
of opposition) … maybe there is some undiscovered gold to be found there … I 
hope to get around to this someday …

Best
F


Den 17/12/2014 kl. 03.44 skrev Michael Shapiro 
<poo...@earthlink.net<mailto:poo...@earthlink.net>>:

Doug, Gary,
            Apropos of diagrammatization in language, there is now a 
considerable body of work done in a Peircean mode that Stjernefelt does not 
take account of in either of his books, and this is understandable in view of 
the fact that he is not a linguist. At the risk of losing most of the 
participants, perhaps the discussion can be enhanced by taking the following 
methodological considerations into account.
            What needs underscoring first is the role of asymmetry in the 
manifestation of linguistic signs, specifically in its conceptual bond with 
complementarity and markedness. The unequal evaluation of the terms of 
oppositions in language has been an important notion of linguistic theorizing 
since at least the heyday of the Prague School’s chief Russian 
representatives––Trubetzkoy, Jakobson, and Karcevskij. The clearest early 
expression of its role is in Jakobson, when he characterized the asymmetry of 
correlative grammatical forms in morphology as two antinomies: (1) between the 
signalization and non-signalization of A; and (2) between the non-signalization 
of A and the signalization of non-A. In the first case, two signs referring to 
the same objective reality differ in semiotic value, in that the signatum of 
one of the signs specifies a certain ‘mark’ A of this reality, while the 
meaning of the other makes no such specification. In the second case, the 
antinomy is between general and special meaning of the unmarked term, where the 
meaning of the latter can fluctuate between leaving the content of the ‘mark’ A 
unspecified (neither positing nor negating it) and specifying the meaning of 
the unmarked term as an absence.
            In focusing on the paradigmatic asymmetry of linguistic signs 
expressed by the polar semiotic values of marked and unmarked (superimposed on 
oppositions in phonology, grammar, and lexis), the early structuralists appear 
to have glossed over a cardinal syntagmatic consequence of markedness: 
complementarity. If the conceptual system which underlies and informs grammar 
(and language broadly conceived) consists of opposite-valued signs and sign 
complexes, then whatever syntagmatic coherence linguistic phenomena have in 
their actual manifestation must likewise be informed by principles of 
organization diagrammatic of this underlying asymmetry. The only aspect of the 
asymmetric nature of linguistic opposition that allows access to structural 
coherence is the complementarity of the terms of the asymmetry, the markedness 
values. The systematic relatability of the complementary entities and of their 
semiotic values is assured by the binary nature of all opposition, which 
balances the asymmetry of the axiological superstructure by furnishing the 
system of relations with the symmetry needed for the identification and 
perpetuation of linguistic units by learners and users.
            Moreover, in explaining the cohesions between form and meaning 
complementation of markedness values is seen to be the dominant mode of 
semiosis––so much so that replication is confined to the structure of 
desinences and the expression of further undifferentiated members of the 
hierarchy of categories. Given the common understanding of undifferentiated 
contexts, statuses, and categories as marked in value (Brøndal’s principle of 
compensation), it is clear that replication is itself the marked (more narrowly 
defined) principle of semiosis, vis-à-vis its unmarked (less narrowly defined) 
counterpart, complementation.
            Complementation actually has two aspects or modes of manifestation, 
which are semiotically distinct and need to be understood as such. The more 
usual effect of complementation, well-known in linguistic analysis, is the 
distribution of phonetic properties in complementary but mutually exclusive 
contexts. This widespread fact of language structure serves as a diagnostic in 
the determination of the non-distinctiveness of a particular feature, so that, 
e.g., the complementary distribution of short and long vowel realizations in 
English before obstruents indicates the non-phonemic status of quantity The 
general effect of variation rules is augmented by their correlation of 
complementary phonetic properties with specific contexts. More significantly, 
it has been discovered that the assignment of particular properties to 
particular contexts is governed by a universal semiotic principle of markedness 
assimilation, which assigns the unmarked value of an opposition to the unmarked 
context and the marked value of an opposition to the marked context. 
Complementary distribution can thus be understood as the semiotic instantiation 
of markedness assimilation.
            It is not difficult to perceive that this first, familiar sense of 
complementation is a manifestation of symmetry, since ‘variation rules ... 
transform relations of similarity––equivalence in markedness––into relations of 
contiguity in phonetic realization’ . What has not been perceived, however, is 
that this form of complementation is peculiarly characteristic of the 
expression system of language (phonology, phonetics). By contrast, the 
morphophonemic system of a language largely eschews the symmetrical, 
replicative patterns of semiosis which are favored by phonology. Indeed, 
morphophonemics systematically exploits a second, less-studied form of 
complementation; this is antisymmetrical in its effects, as an inversion, and 
can accordingly be called chiastic. The predominant use of chiastic 
complementation is perfectly consistent with the semiotic nature of 
morphophonemics, which is the part of grammar that is constituted by the 
‘relations between the contextual variants of the same linguistic sign(s)’ and 
is contrasted with morphology, constituted by the ‘relations between [basic] 
linguistic signs’ . The fact that morphophonemics permits chiasmus is, in other 
words, in complete alignment with its function: the manifestation of 
morphological alternation.
            Conversely, the prevalence of symmetrical modes of semiosis in the 
specification of the basic signs of morphology accords with the semiotic status 
of morphological units. Thus, when the constitution of hierarchically 
independent (invariant) entities in grammar is at issue, correspondences which 
reflect relations of the content level (grammatical meaning) in the relations 
of the expression level (sounds) function as iconic signs. More precisely, they 
are a variety oficon (or hypoicon in Peirce’s trichotomous classification, 
which Peirce called metaphors and defined as ‘those which represent the 
representative character of a representamen [= sign] by representing a 
parallelism in something else’ (emphasis mine). This idiosyncratic 
understanding of metaphor, reflected in Peirce’s typically crabbed diction, 
seems to imply that the more familiar kind of hypoicon––the diagram (image 
being the third)––is a more general species of sign which subsumes 
parallelistic semiosis (replication of relational values) and chiastic semiosis 
(alternation of relational values) as variants. If this is so, then the 
metaphoric relations of parallelism entail the characterization of the 
relations contracted by chiasmus as metonymic, because of the status of 
antisymmetry as a species of metonymy via its negational quotient .
            The invocation of a framework based on markedness, to explain the 
coherence of linguistic entities syntagmatically, also implies the ineluctable 
and necessary consideration of these entities as signs, as parts of a semiotic. 
Heretofore, things like verb stems and desinences, including their positional 
shapes and alternants, have been looked upon simply as artifacts of description 
which facilitate an economical, mutually consistent statement of distributional 
facts; but the semiotic analysis presented here rests on the fundamental 
assumption that all these linguistic units have values––markedness 
values––which vary coherently and uniformly in alignment with contexts and the 
values (hierarchy) of contexts. The fusion of stems and desinences owes its 
coherence, its semiotic raison d’être, to the form of the meaning on both sides 
of the expression/content ‘solidarity’, to what Hjelmslev so astutely called 
‘content-form’ and distinguished from ‘expression- form’.
            The coherence of linguistic units among each other is by no means a 
static one, for we have incontrovertible empirical evidence that languages 
change over time. But the fact of change must be correctly understood as a 
dynamic based on teleology, where the telos is greater goodness of fit 
(iconicity, coherence) between underlying structure and its overt manifestation 
in speech. The picture of contemporary Russian conjugation, for example, and of 
its system differs strikingly little from that of Old Russian , i. e. from the 
state of the language with respect to verb inflection dating as long ago as 
900-1000 years! Given such a long span for testing, encompassing vast upheavals 
in the morphophonemics of Russian, we have every reason to suppose that 
present-day conjugation has a teleological coherence which has given shape to 
it diachronically, and which enables it to subsist in its present form 
synchronically.
            Finally, note should be taken of the prominence given by linguistic 
analysis done in a Peircean mode to the hermeneutic aspect of linguistic 
theory, and its application as explanans of concrete data. In this respect, 
appeals to cognitive linguistics produce no advance over neo-structuralist 
thinking done with a semeiotic understanding of language. Indeed, explanation 
cannot be achieved by the prevailing self-confinement to goals that are 
fundamentally (if unwittingly) non-explanatory. The rule-formalism approach of 
transformational-generative grammarians and of all their latter-day progeny may 
or may not demonstrate anything about ‘a speaker’s knowledge of his language’, 
but it is fundamentally irrelevant for linguistic theory whether it does or 
does not because a theory of grammar is not a theory of knowledge but a theory 
of habit (in the sense of Peirce). Explanation must focus on why the data 
cohere as signs, and not on the mechanisms by which grammatical forms can be 
derived by the judicious choice and application of rules. This requirement 
removes predictability-via-rules from the agenda of theory. The entire recent 
history of linguistics shows with great clarity the feasibility of kneading 
data into a wide number of mutually-compatible formalized configurations 
(‘notational variants’).  What is needed, however, is an attitude toward the 
object of study which matches the structure of that object. Language is a 
system, both in its diachronic and synchronic aspects, that is informed by a 
pattern of inferences, deductive and abductive. The role allotted to 
interpretation in language as a structure––to its very nature and function as a 
hermeneutic object––demands that the methods of inquiry into and the theory of 
language be homologous with the principles of its organization.
              It is this very nature of language itself, the inherent 
organization of grammar as a patterned relationship between form and meaning, 
that necessitates transposing the theoretical enterprise of linguistics to 
another dimension, one defined by the subsumption of all linguistic analysis 
under the rubric of meaning or hermeneutic. As Jakobson himself put it: ‘Any 
linguistic item, from speech sounds and their constituents to discourse, 
partakes—each in its own way––in the cardinal, viz. semantic, tasks of language 
and must be interpreted with respect to its significative value.’

Michael



-----Original Message-----
From: Douglas Hare
Sent: Dec 16, 2014 4:48 PM
To:
Cc: "biosemiot...@lists.ut.ee<mailto:biosemiot...@lists.ut.ee>" , Peirce-L
Subject: Re: Fw: [PEIRCE-L] Stjernfelt Seminar: Chapter 7, Dicisigns Beyond 
Language ~ 7.1

7.5 Diagrams in Linguistics

In the final section of Chapter 7, language emerges from the Dicisign doctrine 
as diagrammatical tool combining “loosely coupled parts” in order to serve as a 
representing and reasoning organ with potentially “universal” application. 
Using the premiss that diagrams are responsible for all deductive reasoning, we 
can then produce an account of how ordinary language possesses 
'diagrammaticity' at the very least in its ability to encode logical inferences 
in the form of syllogisms. But if the difference between language and pictorial 
representations is a diagrammatical matter of degree (measure of iconicity), 
not a difference of kind, then the Herculean tasks of reinterpreting the 
“levels” of natural language into their diagrammatic forms and figuring out how 
to measure gradations within natural language as well as with other iconic 
forms of signification appear before us. Later chapters might clarify why 
Peirce's Existential Graphs remain a valuable instrument for both ostensibly 
Sisyphean endeavors. But ignoring the Alpha and Beta Graphs for now, many 
recent cognitive linguists cited by the author seem to agree that the logical 
connectors of propositional logic, the linguistic quantifiers of first order 
predicate logic, and other more basic structures of grammar allow for possible 
topological formalization(s).

Recall that for Peirce, Dicisigns are formed with icon rhemes and their 
saturation by means of index rhemes. The cognitive linguist would agree that 
sentences are formed by predicates and their saturation by means of subjects. 
To wit: “A basic tendency seems to be that the distinction between grammar and 
morphology on the one hand, and lexical semantics on the other roughly 
corresponds to diagrams pertaining to formal and material ontologies, 
respectively” (NP, 196). If iconic structures can be found in the form of 
conjunctions and sentence structures as well as the the multiplicity of 
structures of rhemes/predicates themselves, grammatical transformations contain 
logical content, and more broadly grammar and morphology will generally contain 
discoverable implicit formal-material ontologies while lexical semantics can 
fill in regional ontological information with particulars: adjectives, common 
nouns, verbs and combinations thereof. Based on underlying forms of 
diagrammatic reasoning, ordinary language does not remain committed to any 
particular ontology (because diagrammatic reasoning is not committed to any 
particular topological framework), even if it acquires variable ontological 
commitments to objects and relational properties of the universe of discourse 
in which we engage, which Qualities and Existents we recognize, and how we 
choose to construct our Arguments.

Stjernfelt relates the blurring of the grammar/semantics distinction to 
Husserl's use of the scholastic distinction between syncategorematica (closed 
classes)andcategoramatica (open classes), and makes the observation that, in 
all three accounts, formal ontologies are produced that contain subclasses of 
formal ontologies such as modal logic, temporal logic, higher order logic on 
the one hand and high-level material ontological concepts from epistemic logic, 
deontic logic, speech act logic on the other. The linguist might say that 
high-level material ontologies include modal verbs, tempus morphemes of verbs, 
in propositional stances verbs, in speech act verbs,” (NP, 199) but regardless 
of the terminological variation, the “doubleness of isomorphism and 
independence recognized between logic, language, and ontology” (NP, 202) is a 
common thread whereby a gluing (interdependence) between the global/local 
provided by the Dicisign structure overcomes the structuralist account the 
arbitrarity of language (usually inferred from the relationship between sounds 
and words), because “conceived from a diagrammatical point of view, language 
has two levels, one general, formal, vague, formalized in grammar and 
closed-class categorematica—and another in lexical semantics and open-class 
syncategorematic,” (NP, 199) which are open to further investigation. Ordinary 
language remains 'secular'—not committed to any topological or metaphysical 
viewpoint ahead of time because the genuine interaction between (what I am 
calling) the relatively autonomous global/local levels allows for language to 
remain an ecumenical, indefinitely-extended, self-critical means of information 
processing.

The author closes the chapter with a discussion of Hintikka's identification of 
two strands of 20th century philosophy, one which views language as universal 
representation and one which sees it as a calculus. According to the Hintikkan 
geneaology, Frege, Russell, Wittgenstein, Quine, and even Heidegger and Derrida 
seem to favor the former approach (language as one reference domain to all 
reality with privileged semiotic access to the world) while Boole, Peirce 
Schroder, Hilbert, Husserl, and the late Carnap understand that multiple 
representational systems with differing degrees of generality, granularity, are 
quite possible if not necessary to productive inquiry as an open-system which 
does run up against, in Hintikka's words, “prisonhouse of language hypotheses.” 
I do not disagree with Stjernfelt's claim that for the model-theoretic 
tradition considers language as closer to a calculus ratiocinator than a 
mathesis univseralis but I would contend that Irving Annelis's 
paper<http://arxiv.org/pdf/1201.0353.pdf> ( c.f. pp. 25-28) offers a more 
nuanced assessment how these Leibnizian themes are re-appropriated by the late 
Peirce than that of Hintikka, in my humble opinion.

For Peirce, representational pluralism does not conflict with a robust realism 
given his idea of inquiry as a distinctly communal activity, one in which 
natural language is able to engage by means of presenting various 
formalizations which “semiotically triangulate the object,” (NP, 200) and one 
in which individual inquiry itself engages in a sort of game-theoretic 
semantics. Given one representational system's ability to assess another, we 
are not left with the ineffability claims but a science of semantics. Indeed, a 
careful reading of Chapter 7 offers the reader a deeper understanding of how 
language remains capable of entertaining universes of discourse which lack 
logical consistency or logical commitment so we have at our disposal a tool 
capable of examining and experimenting with the ontologically inconsistent, the 
vague, the general, and the imaginary. Peirce's 'fallibilistic apriorism' 
(opposed to Kantian apriorism) is better able to account for the various a 
priori structures of different material ontologies. Language from the 
diagrammatic perspective thus resembles a versatile collaboration between 
different topological considerations found inside, outside, and between 
conjunctions, grammar, semantics, and their various instantiations. Along with 
recent developments in Existential Graphs, the trajectory cognitive semantics 
exposited by Stjernfelt makes a strong case for CSP's continued relevance to 
diagrammatological linguistics.

I would like to close by asking Professor Stjernfelt if he agrees with 
Francesco Bellucci that the late Peirce saw diagrammatic reasoning containing 
its own abductive and inductive phases. I look forward to any questions or 
comments before we begin Chapter 8.

Thankfully,

Doug

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