The New York Times /  August 14, 2009

Inside the Markets
Bailouts Helped Drive Higher Pay
By JAMES SAFT

Rising pay in the finance sector after the global financial crisis is
no surprise and is driven partly by the U.S. government’s bailout and
the underwriting of banks that are too big to fail.

News that some financial firms that benefited from government largess
had increased the share of revenue they would pay their employees
incited a lot of outrage but not a lot of answers.

The good news is that this new bulge in pay may not be sustainable.
The bad news is it will probably be stopped only by further
regulation, which may never come.

To understand what is going on, an explanation is needed of the
economic concept of “rents.” They are essentially the extra money a
given individual or industry is able to extract from its clients above
what it would be able to if there were perfect competition.

A monopoly will charge a very high price for goods or services because
— well — it can. Needless to say, economic rents are not a good thing,
unless you are in receipt of them.

Workers in financial services have been huge beneficiaries of economic
rents in recent years. They sell products that are complex and poorly
understood by clients. They have been very lightly regulated, and it
has been hard in many areas for start-ups to compete with large firms
and drive down prices, as the complexity of such products raises the
entry barrier.

A study by the economists Thomas Philippon of New York University and
Ariell Reshef of the University of Virginia found that 30 percent to
50 percent of the extra pay bankers received, compared with that of
similar professionals, was attributable to rents.

In other words, banking is able to overcharge its customers and
bankers are able to capture a huge portion of that for themselves.

Why? Because they do not face enough competition, their products are
too complex for clients to understand and bargain effectively and,
crucially, regulation allows this state of affairs.

Rising complexity, in my view, has probably occurred at least in part
because it drives margins and tilts power away from a bank’s clients
and shareholders and toward employees.

“The more complicated the product, the easier it is for people to hide
the risks,” Mr. Reshef said during an interview.

The study shows that excess pay in banking is very closely linked to
lax regulation, as opposed to higher productivity or early adoption of
technology.

Relative compensation in finance in the early part of the past century
peaked not in 1929, before the crash, but several years later, just
before more stringent regulations kicked in. Relative compensation
began to climb again in the 1980s, with deregulation, and has risen
like a rocket since 1990.

The economic crisis, far from undermining circumstances that allow for
rents and excess pay, has in some ways cemented them.

One area of complexity, asset-backed finance, has been eviscerated,
but many others sail on relatively unaffected.

Most important, the doctrine of “too big to fail” has confirmed and
reinforced the superior market position of those banks and investment
banks that survive. The United States has made it known that the
current players will not be allowed to fail. These banks had an
advantage already, based on their size; that advantage is now greater
and carries a government guarantee.

Ladies and gentlemen, this is the banking recapitalization program: an
unfair playing field. I might be able to swallow that, as the economy
needs a banking system. But if you believe Mr. Reshef and Mr.
Philippon’s data, a good part of the essentially unearned money that
should be going to recapitalize the banks is instead overpaying
bankers.

It is true that part of the reason banks are paying their best people
so much is that a tectonic shift in banking will place a higher
premium on the most talented. Fair enough, but only if there is a
shrinking pool of compensation money being tilted toward a smaller
elite.

The constant rise in the rents extracted by bankers from the economy
will really be stopped only by government intervention, since, given a
system of bank insurance, it can exist only with government
connivance.

If you look at the Great Depression, this process will take about four
years. This has not been a very encouraging start.

James Saft is a Reuters columnist.

Copyright 2009


-- 
Jim Devine / "All science would be superfluous if the form of
appearance of things directly coincided with their essence." -- KM
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