---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Mark Weisbrot, CEPR <[email protected]>
Date: Thu, Jan 14, 2016 at 2:56 PM
Subject: Democratic Presidential Primary Gets Real
To: [email protected]


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<http://org.salsalabs.com/dia/track.jsp?v=2&c=MjLl8bw3ejrpMesLBuv%2BvlHsXxhzAq4z>

Democratic Presidential Primary Gets Real

By Mark Weisbrot
------------------------------

This article was published on January 14, 2016 by Al Jazeera America
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.
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The U.S. presidential race is getting interesting — perhaps more
interesting than it has been for the past 80 years or so. I’m talking about
the Democratic primary, although the Republican side is always interesting
in its own special way. Beltway pundits are beginning to think that Bernie
Sanders has a real shot at the nomination. And it may be even bigger than
they think.

A New York Times/CBS poll released late Wednesday
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showed Hillary Clinton leading Bernie Sanders by a margin of 48 to 41
percent, down from a 20-point lead a month ago. Sanders showed a nearly
2-to-1 lead among voters under 45 years old. A Monmouth University poll
released
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on January 12 showed Sanders ahead of Clinton in New Hampshire by 14
percentage points (53-39). A Quinnipiac poll released
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the same day showed Sanders had erased Clinton’s lead in Iowa and was now
ahead by 5 percentage points.

The standard political story is that victories in Iowa and New Hampshire
could provide momentum for Sanders and change the dynamics of the race. But
the way in which this happens is also important for understanding the
present situation. The Iowa caucuses will be held on February 1, just 18
days from now. New Hampshire Democrats will vote on February 9. The voters
in these contests are the ones who have been paying the most attention to
the candidates and to the issues. And Sanders is leading in both of them.
This means that the national polls, which still show Clinton in the lead,
may be skewed by the lack of engagement of these voters. The numbers could
change quickly once people get to know a little bit about Clinton’s
challenger.

This is what happened in 2008, when a freshman senator from Illinois named
Barack Obama scored an upset victory against Hillary Clinton, whose
nomination had been considered inevitable. In fact, two-and-a-half weeks
before the Iowa primary — which is where we are now, Obama was trailing
Clinton by 6 points there, and was about even in New Hampshire. And he was
down by as much as 29 points nationally.

At that time in the 2008 presidential primary race, Obama was not quite
even with Clinton in South Carolina. But after Obama won Iowa, and voters
got a closer look at him, he beat Clinton there by a landslide 29
percentage points.

History could repeat itself, and it is clear from Hillary Clinton’s
escalating criticisms of Sanders that she is worried about it. Another
hefty chunk of déjà vu: MoveOn.org, one of the most powerful
grassroots/netroots forces in the Democratic primary — or the country for
that matter — voted overwhelming on Sunday to endorse Bernie Sanders.
MoveOn was a key player in the 2008 primary and mobilized tens of thousands
of volunteers, as well as money, for Obama. With their endorsement this
week they have pledged to organize their 43,000 members in Iowa and 30,000
in New Hampshire. This could easily make the difference in Iowa, where 239,000
votes were cast
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in the 2008 caucuses (a record turnout).

There are a lot of barriers built into our political system to make sure
that a candidate like Sanders cannot make it to the presidency. He is
proposing economic and institutional reforms that will redistribute income
and even some political power to the majority, more than anything since the
New Deal: breaking up the big banks, increasing the income and bargaining
power of labor, taxes on Wall Street and the rich, campaign finance reform,
and even reform
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of the most important and often unaccountable economic policy-making body
in the country: the Federal Reserve. But some of the barriers to a
candidate of this type have been breaking down. Sanders was able to raise
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$73 million dollars in 2015, with average donations of just $27 and without
corporate money. And the Internet and social media provides both an
alternative, non-monopolizable means of communication and also some limited
check on the major media.

In response to Sanders’ challenge, Clinton has moved considerably leftward
on a number of economic issues. Political satirist Andy Borowitz of the New
Yorker summed it up last April in one of his typical spoofs titled
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“Hillary expected to adopt all of Sanders’ positions by noon.” This week
she proposed a 4 percent surcharge on incomes over $5 million. She also
advocated expanding the coverage, and increasing the rate, of the estate
tax, and closing some loopholes for rich taxpayers.

On Monday, Vice President Joe Biden praised
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Sanders for his “deep and real” yearning, “credibility,” and “authenticity”
on the issue of reducing income inequality; while saying, “It's relatively
new for Hillary to talk about that." These sentiments have been bubbling up
from the party base: If two candidates say that they are going to stand up
to the corporations and billionaires that have pushed inequality to levels
not seen for a century, and one is getting millions of dollars from them
while the other gets nothing, this is something that voters are going to
take into account.

David Axelrod, who was Obama’s chief campaign strategist and then senior
advisor when he was president, criticized
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Chelsea Clinton this week for her attacks on Bernie Sanders, saying that
they were “not honest.”

The statements from Biden and Axelrod indicate that Clinton’s support at
high levels, not only at the base, could also be eroding as her polling
numbers slip.

Ironically, for all the rigged rules and concentration of income and power
that Sanders rails against — and these are huge and have increased
enormously since 1980 — he actually has a serious shot at the top job.
There are a number of historically specific events that led to this
possibility, and it is not necessarily something that happens more than
once or twice in 80 years. But it’s for real.  Anyone who thinks that such
things are not possible needs to rethink their understanding of the United
States political system.


Mark Weisbrot
<http://org.salsalabs.com/dia/track.jsp?v=2&c=OZxz9re07WHlsMhI43BRtBkJH73lq0Qu>
is co-director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research, in
Washington, D.C. and president of Just Foreign Policy
<http://org.salsalabs.com/dia/track.jsp?v=2&c=TqkkNLuWOihnudJghgR08VHsXxhzAq4z>.
He is also the author of the new book *Failed: What the "Experts" Got Wrong
About the Global Economy*
<http://org.salsalabs.com/dia/track.jsp?v=2&c=0ct3Wxoy6qmuo4mabQvwOVHsXxhzAq4z>
(Oxford University Press, 2015).

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