What A Rich Nation Should Really Be
Doing About Social Security
Published on Monday, February 28, 2005

by Gar Alperovitz

http://www.commondreams.org/views05/0228-29.htm

Listening to the debate between the Administration and
even its most adventurous critics one would imagine
that only an extremely limited range of Social Security
options are even conceivable. One would also imagine
that we live in an extremely poor society which is
ultimately going to have to find ways to squeeze its
seniors financially or somehow we will all perish. The
truth is radically different.

This is the wealthiest nation in the history of the
world. A serious progressive strategy should go far
beyond the current debate by building upon this
self-evident fact. It should affirm the goal of a truly
bountiful-rather than penny-pinching-future for its
citizens when they retire. Here is the ball to keep
your eye on:

If the United States does merely as well in the 21st
Century as it did during the difficult depression and
war-dominated 20th Century, we Americans will be
producing the equivalent of approximately $1 million a
year for every four people by century's end-and the top
1% of households will be making an estimated $9-10
million. Clearly, if we so choose, we can afford a
very, very generous plan.

Oddly so far just about the only people who seem to
recognize the obvious reality that a rich nation will
be able to afford more rather than less as
technological progress continues are a couple of
maverick (but very high placed!) conservatives. Thus:

The Nobel prize-winning conservative economist Robert
Fogel has offered a comprehensive life-time savings and
investment plan which would start retirement at age 55.
Unlike proposals by both liberals and other
conservatives which would delay retirement and make
people work longer in order to save money for the
Social Security system, a major goal is to allow people
to retire at a younger and younger age as the nation's
wealth increases over the century. A tax of 2 or 3
percent "applied progressively to the top half of the
income distribution" would aide those with low incomes.

Another leading conservative maverick, former Bush
Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neil has put forward a
savings and investment plan which would produce the
equivalent of a million dollar annuity for every
American-enough to easily guarantee $50,000 or more a
year. It would begin with those currently in the 18-35
age bracket and would be supplemented by federal
contributions for low income people. Like Fogel, O'Neil
argues: "Those of us who are more fortunate can help
those who are not."

Several progressives have suggested equity-increasing
approaches which might usefully be combined with the
basic Fogel and O'Neil concept. Hofstra University
School of Law professor Leon Friedman, for instance,
has proposed an annual one percent "net worth tax" on
the top 1% of households in order to provide full
Social Security financing-and to also help reduce the
national debt. Such "wealth taxes" are common in
virtually every other advanced industrial and
post-industrial society.

A comprehensive plan by Colgate University economist
Thomas Michl would ultimately establish a fully funded
investment based system (as opposed to the current
"pay-as-you-go" Social Security design). This would
include a broad range of stocks and bonds and would be
financed by progressive income taxes and also by a new
wealth tax.

A plan by New School University sociologist Robin
Blackburn would (1) expand Social Security; (2) pool
private pension plans in order to reduce risk; and (3)
institute a "share levy"-- an implicit wealth-like tax
which would require firms to issue and set-aside stock
equivalent to10-20% of profits each year in order to
increase pension fund capital.

A very general proposal to invest Social Security
reserves which builds on current state pension fund
precedents-and the Canadian national system-has been
offered by Boston College management professor Alice H.
Munnell and Brookings fellow R. Kent Weaver.
Importantly, as they observe, public management of such
plans is hardly "financial rocket science..."

It's worth recalling, too, that the Roosevelt
Administration's Social Security program was originally
based on a cautious investment approach-later abandoned
because Keynsian economists worried it was draining
purchasing power from the 1930s economy. The Clinton
Administration also proposed a modestly progressive
investment strategy of up to 14.6% of the Social
Security Trust Fund.

What is striking is that such precedents and the bolder
proposals on both right and left all agree, first, that
a rich country can afford more rather than less for its
seniors as time goes on; second, that taxing those at
the very top for this purpose is obvious and
appropriate; and third that one or another form of
investing makes sense financially if done under public
authority.

Even the most adventurous Democrats are currently
mainly huddled in a defensive posture as they try to
resist the onslaught of the Bush challenge. Yes, a
defense against the Bush strategy is necessary. But No,
it is not enough: What the right realized years ago is
that the way forward is to begin laying bold proposals
on the table. The question is how long it will take be
before progressive politicians start doing the same.

Gar Alperovitz is Lionel R. Bauman Professor of
Political Economy at the University of Maryland. This
article is adapted from his recent book 'America Beyond
Capitalism: Reclaiming Our Wealth, Our Liberty and Our
Democracy' (Wiley 2005).

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