"No Matter What the Cost"
Iraqi Oil Union Workers Fight Privatization

By Andy Barenberg, CPE Staff Economist
August 23, 2006

In Iraq a new battle is about is about to begin. On one side is the
Iraqi Government, backed not only by occupation forces but also by
Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki's secretive and deadly Badr Corps
militia. On the other side stand 23,000 workers in Iraq's General
Union of Oil Employees (GEOU). The stakes: one of the greatest prizes
of natural resources on the planet.

The June appointment of the respected Dr. Hussein Shahristani to the
position of Oil Minister gave the union hope; but all signs now
indicate he was brought in to give political cover to the signing of a
new energy law that would effectively end Iraq's public control and
ownership over the oil fields. On July first GEOU held an emergency
strategy meeting with the Iraqi Freedom Congress. The union swore to
stop the new law "no matter what the cost."

The Government of Iraq can't take such things lightly. The union has
proven before it can stop the flow of oil, but has never done so for
more than a day or two—the indefinite strike now threatened promises
to be the occupation's gravest political crisis since Grand Ayatollah
Ali al-Sistani's massive rallies demanding elections. The Iraqi
Government has moved to neutralize the union's power by seizing its
bank accounts. (The union is illegal after all; Saddam Hussein's
Public Law 150, which banned public sector unions, was the one law
Paul Bremmer, the former U.S. Administrator of Iraq, didn't believe he
had authority to override.) And so now the battle begins.

Although the actual content of the law has been withheld from the
public, it is almost sure to authorize the use of production sharing
agreements (PSAs) as proposed by the US State Department's pre-war
"Future of Iraq Project." Under a PSA, an oil field is technically not
privatized. Instead a corporation receives exclusive rights to the oil
field and it gets complete control over the revenue up to the cost of
its investment. After costs are covered, the revenue is split between
the company and the government in some predetermined rate, most likely
to be 50/50 in Iraq.

Such agreements are popular in areas where oil is difficult to get
to—such as offshore or deep in a jungle—and where the amount of oil is
uncertain. Under a PSA in such conditions, the government avoids
paying the risky cost of trying to develop the oil field. Compared to
service contracts traditionally used in Iraq and the Middle East where
the corporation receives a set fee for work done, a PSA promises
windfall profits for the corporation should they happen to strike oil.

Of course in Iraq, where oil can practically be found by stubbing your
toe on the ground, a PSA represents one of the greatest give-aways in
history. More importantly, should a future Iraqi Governments try to
change the agreement the company can sue for expropriation. According
to the US State Department's pre-war planning, "the most important
feature from the perspective of private oil companies is that the
government take is defined in the terms of the [PSA] and the oil
companies are therefore protected under a PSA from future adverse
legislation." Not surprisingly, the US and British are pushing hard
for these agreements to be signed while they have near total control
over the Iraqi government.

Greg Muttitt of the oil watchdog group PLATFORM, using conservative
assumptions, estimates that a PSA program in Iraq means oil companies
can expect "annual rates of return ranging from 42% to 62% for a small
field, or 98% to 162% for a large field" and that this will "cost Iraq
between $74 billion and $194 billion in lost revenue, compared to
keeping oil development in public hands." Just how conservative is
this estimate? Well, he was using the assumption that the cost of oil
would stay at $40 a barrel over the next 40 years; just changing the
assumption to the current price of roughly $75 a barrel almost doubles
the estimates.

The wealth of Iraqi oil can play a role in creating a future Iraq
where the needs of the people are met, but only if the General Union
of Oil Employees succeeds in keeping control of oil in Iraqi hands.

Sources and resources:
-Antonia Juhasz, The Bush Agenda: Invading the World One Economy at a
Time. New York: Harper Collins, 2006.

-Greg Muttitt, Crude Designs: The rip-off of Iraq's oil wealth.
London: PLATFORM, 2005. www.crudedesigns.org.

-To find out more about the GEOU and actions of solidarity see
www.basraoilunion.org.

(c) 2006 Center for Popular Economics

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