This is from a Canadian version of Pen-l at:
http://www.progressive-economics.ca/2007/08/26/oxoby-levitt-scheiber/
It seems that economics and post-modernism share a
common feature: many find it impossible to distinguish
a joke or satire from a  legitimate paper.

Economics on the Highway to Hell?
Posted by Erin Weir under PEF, history of economic
thought, Blogroll.
August 26th, 2007
Comments: 2

A couple of months ago, Robert Oxoby of the University
of Calgary posted a joke paper comparing AC/DC’s
original lead signer, Bon Scott, with his successor,
Brian Johnson. The paper presented the results of an
experiment in which test subjects responded less
“rationally” to financial incentives in an “ultimatum
game” when listening to Scott’s “It’s a Long Way to
the Top” than when listening to Johnson’s “Shoot to
Thrill”.
Last week, Steven Levitt (author of Freakonomics and
winner of the John Bates Clark Medal) slagged the
paper without seeming to understand that it was a
spoof. Levitt wrote of Oxoby, “I hope for this guy’s
sake he has tenure.”
Much commentary has focussed on the awkwardness of
this situation for Oxoby and the absence of an apology
from Levitt. What interests me is that Levitt and a
bunch of other economists failed to recognize the
paper as satire. I am fairly certain that almost
anyone from outside the economics profession would
have taken it as a joke. Levitt and others did not
because Oxoby’s paper - complete with references,
graphs, and university letterhead - is a brilliant
parody of what has become the mainstay of academic
economics. The scholarly journals are full of short,
blandly written articles that provide mathematically
precise responses to very narrowly defined questions
of dubious relevance. Indeed, such weak competition is
part of the reason that PEF sessions were so
well-attended at this year’s Canadian Economics
Association meetings.
Partly due to Levitt’s influence, academic economists
have begun to focus on spicy but often trivial topics.
One impertinent commentator on the Freakonomics blog
wrote that Oxoby’s paper “is not much dumber than
Levitt’s research.” This episode confirms some of what
Noam Scheiber had observed in The New Republic:
How was it that these students, who had arrived at the
country’s premier economics department intending to
solve the world’s most intractable problems–poverty,
inequality, unemployment–had ended up facing off in
what sometimes felt like an academic parlor game?
. . .
By the ’80s, however, the data-crunchers had come down
with a crisis of confidence. In one famous episode,
the eminent economist H. Gregg Lewis reviewed several
studies on unions. What he found was alarming: Some
papers reported that unions strongly increased wages;
others reported exactly the opposite. The difference,
in most cases, was simply the assumptions the authors
had made.
. . .
Economists had long aspired to science. Suddenly they
faced a harrowing thought: What if they were no better
at pinning down truth than the average critical
studies major?
Having glimpsed this nihilistic vision, many
economists ran screaming in the opposite direction.
They concluded that the path to knowledge lay in solid
answers to modest questions. Henceforth, the emphasis
would be on “clean identification,” on sorting out
what caused what.
The early practitioners of this approach–Angrist,
Krueger, Card–had well-earned reputations as crafty
researchers. But, by and large, all three men used
their creativity to chip away at important questions.
It was only in the late ’90s that the signs of
overreach became apparent. To some professors at top
departments, clean identification became a fetish. . .
. If you’re wedded to these techniques, eventually
they lead you in obscure directions. “People think
about the question less than the method,” says
Berkeley professor Raj Chetty, one of the most
sought-after Harvard graduates in recent years (and a
notable exception to this trend). “They’re not
thinking: What important question should I answer?’ So
you get weird papers, like sanitation facilities in
Native American reservations.” Many young economists
began shunning big questions altogether.
. . .
Levitt debuted a new kind of paper: an investigation
into offbeat phenomena from daily life. One of the
earliest examples pondered the strategies soccer
players employ when taking penalty kicks. Another
paper studied corruption in sumo-wrestling tournaments
as a window onto the power of incentives. Not long
after, Levitt conducted an exhaustive inquiry into
“Weakest Link,” a game show
. . .
Chicago had never been an ideal place to do empirical
work. Nobel Prize-winning theorists like Gary Becker
and Robert Lucas disliked dirtying their hands with
data. It is sometimes said that healthy departments
have a straightforward division of labor: The
theorists generate predictions, and their colleagues
test them with data. Alas, this process can be a drag
for the people being scrutinized. It’s much more fun
to generate pie-in-the-sky predictions when you don’t
have some killjoy looking over your shoulder. Which is
why, from the perspective of the theorists, the ideal
colleague may be someone less fastidious. Someone who
studies the offbeat and clever, not the discipline’s
central questions. Someone who, you might say, looks
less like Jim Heckman and more like Steve Levitt.
“Rigorous theory and bullshit empirical work can
co-exist,” Heckman sighs. “It leaves the rigorous
theorists to make up the numbers they want.”
. . .
One growth industry in recent years has been what you
might call the lookie-here paper: a small-scale
setting for observing some broad principle of
economics. Many of these papers deal with sexy topics
like corruption and, well, sex.
. . .
One of the statements Levitt has become famous for
since Freakonomics is his observation that “economics
is a science with excellent tools for gaining answers
but a serious shortage of interesting questions.”
The full article, which Levitt took badly, is
available through the following links: page 1, page 2,
and page 3.
The fixation on high-powered mathematics has pushed
many academic economists away from big questions that
this methodology cannot answer toward trivial
questions that it can. This trend has gone so far that
a significant segment of the academy perceived Oxoby’s
paper as a poor attempt at real scholarship rather
than as a joke.
Like Scheiber, I am somewhat ambivalent. I enjoyed
reading Freakonomics and admire Levitt’s cleverness.
More than many other academic economists, Levitt
applies his craft to real-world phenomena and writes
in an accessible manner. Some of his work is genuinely
relevant to public policy.
However, we should not be content with a discipline in
which one group of scholars reinforces the
neoclassical orthodoxy while the more
independent-minded ones research silly topics that do
not challenge this orthodoxy. Ultimately, conflicting
findings about the effect of unions on wages are more
valuable than conclusive findings about game shows or
sumo wrestling. To Oxoby’s credit, my impression is
that his real research questions the perfect economic
rationality generally assumed by neoclassical
theorists.
A pluralistic vision of economics leaves plenty of
room for clever approaches to zany topics. However,
economics should be regarded not only as a “science”
that conducts robust studies of small questions, but
also as a “social science” that fosters debate on the
bigger questions. By promoting this broader mandate,
the PEF and our blog are striving to help get
economics “Back in Black.”


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