Red house meeting august 10th 1944
RED HOUSE MEETING AUGUST 10TH 1944
Extracted from Martin Bormann, Nazi In Exile by Paul Manning
http://www.911forum.org.uk/board/viewtopic.php?p=161974#161974
http://spitfirelist.com/books/martin-bormann-nazi-in-exile/
http://spitfirelist.com/books/manning.pdf
IT WAS EARLY MORNING AND THE HAZE COVERING the
broad Alsatian plain was lifting to reveal
glistening mountainside acres of wine grapes and
the string of fortresses that dominate the
hillsides and vineyard villages on the road from
Colmarfortresses old when Joan of Arc was young.
A Mercedes- Benz, flying Nazi swastika and SS
flags from the front bumpers, was moving at high
speed through columns of German infantry marching
toward Colmar from where the command car had
come. A mountainous region, some of World War
II’s bitterest fighting was to take place there
as winter approached, once American divisions had
bypassed Paris and moved through Metz into the Colmar Gap.
The staff car had left Colmar at first light for
Strasbourg, carrying SS Obergruppenfuehrer
Scheid, who held the rank of lieutenant general
in the Waffen SS, as well as the title of Dr.
Scheid, director of the industrial firm of
Hermadorff & Schenburg Company. While the beauty
of the rolling countryside was not lost on Dr.
Scheid, his thoughts were on the meeting of
important German businessmen to take place on his
arrival at the Hotel Maison Rouge in Strasbourg.
Reichsleiter Martin Bormann himself had ordered
the conference, and although he would not
physically be present he had confided to Dr.
Scheid, who was to preside, “The steps to be
taken as a result of this meeting will determine
the postwar future of Germany.” The Reichsleiter
had added, “German industry must realize that the
war cannot now be won, and must take steps to
prepare for a postwar commercial campaign which
will in time insure the economic resurgence of
Germany.” It was August 10, 1944. The
Mercedes-Benz bearing SS Obergruppenfuehrer
Scheid moved slowly now through the narrow
streets of Strasbourg. Dr. Scheid noticed that
this was a most agreeable city, one to return to
after the war. It was the city where in 1792 the
stirring Marsellaise was composed by Rouget de
Lisle, ostensibly for the mayor’s banquet. The
street signs all in French, the names of the
shops all in German, were characteristic of
bilingual Alsace, a land that has been disputed
throughout known history, particularly since the
formation of the two nations, Germany and France.
After World War I, the Treaty of Versailles
restored Alsace-Lorraine to France, but after the
fall of France in World War II the Germans
reannexed these 5,600 square miles of territory,
and life went on as usual, except for the 18,000
Alsatians who had volunteered to fight for the
Third Reich on the Eastern Front.
The staff car drew up before the Hotel Maison
Rouge on the rue des France-Bourgeois. Dr.
Scheid, briefcase in hand, entered the lobby and
ascended in the elevator to the conference suite
reserved for his meeting. Methodically he circled
the room, greeting each of the twelve present,
then took his place at the head of the conference
table. Even the pads and pencils before each man
had been checked; Waffen SS technicians had swept
the entire room, inspecting for hidden
microphones and miniature transmitters. As an
additional precaution, all suites flanking the
conference suite had been held unfilled, as had
the floors above and below, out of bounds for the
day. Lunch was to be served in the conference
suite by trusted Waffen SS stewards. Those
present, all thirteen of them, could be assured
that the thorough precautions would safeguard
them all, even the secretary who was to take the
minutes, later to be typed with a copy sent by SS courier to Bormann.
A transcript of that meeting is in my possession.
It is a captured German document from the files
of the U.S. Treasury Department, and states who
was present and what was said, as the economy of
the Third Reich was projected onto a postwar profit-seeking track.
Present were Dr. Kaspar representing Krupp, Dr.
Tolle representing Röchling, Dr. Sinceren
representing Messerschmitt, Drs. Kopp, Vier, and
Beerwanger representing Rheinmetall, Captain
Haberkorn and Dr. Ruhe representing Bussing, Drs.
Ellenmayer and Kardos representing
Volkswagenwerk, engineers Drose, Yanchew, and
Koppshem representing various factories in Posen,
Poland (Drose, Yanchew, & Co., Brown-Boveri,
Herkuleswerke, Buschwerke, and Stadtwerke); Dr.
Meyer, an official of the German Naval Ministry
in Paris; and Dr. Strossner of the Ministry of Armament, Paris.
Dr. Scheid, papers from his briefcase arranged
neatly on the table before him, stated that all
industrial matériel in France was to be evacuated
to Germany immediately. “The battle of France is
lost to Germany,” he admitted, quoting
Reichsleiter Bormann as his authority, “and now
the defense of the Siegfried Line (and Germany
itself) is the main problem. . . . From now on,
German industry must take steps in preparation
for a postwar commercial campaign, with each
industrial firm making new contacts and alliances
with foreign firms. This must be done
individually and without attracting any
suspicion. However, the party and the Third Reich
will stand behind every firm with permissive and
financial support.” He assured those present that
the frightening law of 1933 known as Treason
Against the Nation, which mandated the death
penalty for violation of foreign exchange
regulations or concealing of foreign currency,
was now null and void, on direct order of Reichsleiter Bormann.
Dr. Scheid also affirmed, “The ground must now be
laid on the financial level for borrowing
considerable sums from foreign countries after
the war.” As an example of the kind of support
that had been most useful to Germany in the past,
Dr. Scheid cited the fact that “patents for
stainless steel belonged to the Chemical
Foundation, Inc., New York, and the Krupp Company
of Germany, jointly, and that of the United
States Steel Corporation, Carnegie, Illinois,
American Steel & Wire, National Tube, etc., were
thereby under an obligation to work with the
Krupp concern.” He also cited the Zeiss Company,
the Leica Company, and the Hamburg-Amerika Line
as typical firms that had been especially
effective in protecting German interests abroad.
He gave New York addresses to the twelve men.
Glancing at his watch, Dr. Scheid asked for
comments from each of the twelve around the
table. Then he adjourned the morning session for lunch.
At his signal, soldier stewards brought in a real
Strasbourg lunch. On a long side table they
placed plates of pâté de foie gras, matelote,
noodles, sauerkraut, knuckles of ham, sausages,
and onion tarts, along with bottles of Coq au
Riesling from nearby wineries. Brandy and cigars
were also set out and the stewards left the room,
closing the doors quietly as guards stood at attention.
Following lunch, several, including Dr. Scheid,
left for the Rhine and Germany, where they would
spread the word among their peers in industry
about the new industrial goals for the postwar years.
A smaller conference in the afternoon was
presided over by Dr. Bosse of the German
Armaments Ministry. It was attended only by
representatives of Hecko, Krupp, and Röchling.
Dr. Bosse restated Bormann’s belief that the war
was all but lost, but that it would be continued
by Germany until certain goals to insure the
economic resurgence of Germany after the war had
been achieved. He added that German
industrialists must be prepared to finance the
continuation of the Nazi Party, which would be
forced to go underground, just as had the Maquis in France.
“From now on, the government in Berlin will
allocate large sums to industrialists so that
each can establish a secure postwar foundation in
foreign countries. Existing financial reserves in
foreign countries must be placed at the disposal
of the party in order that a strong German empire
can be created after defeat. It is almost
immediately required,” he continued, “that the
large factories in Germany establish small
technical offices or research bureaus which will
be absolutely independent and have no connection
with the factory. These bureaus will receive
plans and drawings of new weapons, as well as
documents which they will need to continue their
research. These special offices are to be
established in large cities where security is
better, although some might be formed in small
villages near sources of hydroelectric power,
where these party members can pretend to be
studying the development of water resources for
benefit of any Allied investigators.”
Dr. Bosse stressed that knowledge of these
technical bureaus would be held only by a very
few persons in each industry and by chiefs of the
Nazi Party. Each office would have a liaison
agent representing the party and its leader,
Reichsleiter Bormann. “As soon as the party
becomes strong enough to reestablish its control
over Germany, the industrialists will be paid for
their effort and cooperation by concessions and orders.”
At both morning and afternoon conferences, it was
emphasized that the existing prohibition against
the export of capital “is now completely
withdrawn and replaced by a new Nazi policy, in
which industrialists with government assistance
(Bormann to be the guiding leader) will export as
much of their capital as possible, capital
meaning money, bonds, patents, scientists, and administrators.”
Bosse urged the industrialists to proceed
immediately to get their capital outside Germany.
“The freedom thus given to German industrialists
further cements their relations with the party by
giving them a measure of protection in future efforts at home and overseas.”
From this day, German industrial firms of all
rank were to begin placing their fundsand,
wherever possible, key manpower abroad,
especially in neutral countries. Dr. Bosse
advised that “two main banks can be used for the
export of funds for firms who have made no prior
arrangements: the Basler Handelsbank and the
Schweizerische Kreditanstalt of Zurich.” He also
stated, “There are a number of agencies in
Switzerland which for a five percent commission
will buy property in Switzerland for German firms, using Swiss cloaks.”
Dr. Bosse closed the meeting, observing that
“after the defeat of Germany, the Nazi Party
recognizes that certain of its best known leaders
will be condemned as war criminals. However, in
cooperation with the industrialists, it is
arranging to place its less conspicuous but most
important members with various German factories
as technical experts or members of its research and designing offices.”
The meeting adjourned late. As the participants
left, Dr. Bosse placed a call to Martin Bormann
in Berlin over SS lines. The conversation was
cryptic, merely a report that all industrialists
at the one-day Strasbourg conference had agreed
to the new policy of “flight capital” as
initiated by the Reichsleiter. With the report
completed, Bormann then placed a call, to Dr.
Georg von Schnitzler, member of the central
committee of the I.G. Farben board of directors.
I.G. Farben had been the largest single earner of
foreign exchange for Germany during the years of
the Third Reich. Its operations in Germany
included control of 380 companies with factories,
power installations, and mines, as well as vast
chemical establishments. It operated in 93
countries and the sun never set on I.G. Farben,
which had a participation, both acknowledged and
concealed, in over 500 firms outside Germany.
They grew as the Third Reich did, and as German
armies occupied each country in Europe they were
followed by Farben technicians who built further
factories and expanded the I.G. investment to RM
(Reichsmarks) 7 billion. The Farben cartel
agreements involving trade and the related use of
its chemical patents also numbered over 2,000,
including such major industrial concerns as
Standard Oil of New Jersey (now Exxon), the
Aluminum Company of America, E.I. du Font de
Nemours, Ethyl Export Corporation, Imperial
Chemical Industries (Great Britain), Dow Chemical
Company, Rohm & Haas, Etablissments Kuhlman
(France), and the Mitsui interests of Japan.
I.G. Farben was a formidable ally for
Reichsleiter Bormann in his plans for the postwar
economic rebirth of Germany. In a telephone
conversation with Dr. von Schnitzler, Bormann
asked what would the loss of factories in France
and the other occupied countries mean to German
industry in general and to I.G. in particular.
Dr. von Schnitzler said he believed the technical
dependence of these countries on I.G. would be so
great that despite German defeat I.G., in one way
or another, could regain its position of control
of the European chemical business. “They will
need the constant technical help of I.G.’s
scientific laboratories as they do not own
appropriate installations within themselves,” he
further told Bormann, adding that he and other
industrialists such as Hermann Röchling “do not
think much of Hitler’s recent declaration of a
scorched-earth policy for Germany. Destruction of
our factories will surely inhibit Germany’s
recovery in the postwar world,” he affirmed.
Bormann pondered this exchange with von
Schnitzler. It was then that he determined to
countermand Hitler’s order for the ruthless
destruction of German industry. He was aware also
that the Gauleiters, the regional political
supervisors and area com- manders of the party,
who reported to him as party chief, shared the
same view as expressed by Dr. von Schnitzler.
However, Bormann waited nearly four weeks until
the right moment came to go against Hitler’s
directive. It came when Albert Speer, minister
for armaments and war production, sent a teletype
on September 5, 1944, to headquarters for
Hitler’s attention. In this message, Speer
outlined the realistic reasons why industrial
plants should not be destroyed; Bormann lost no
time sending this on to all the Gauleiters of
Germany with his own imperative: “On behalf of
the Fuehrer I herewith transmit to you a
communication from Reichsminister Speer. Its
provisos are to be observed strictly and unconditionally.”
Speer had commented, “Even Bormann had played
along with me. He seemed to be more aware than
Hitler of the fearful consequences of total
devastation.” Speer also noted, in this month of
September 1944, that “Hitler’s authority in the
party was no longer what it had been.”
Such authority had long since passed quietly to
Reichsleiter Bormann, who had succeeded in
outmaneuvering all the old gang: Goering,
Goebbels, Himmler, the various generals, and
Speer, who was told in 1944 by Hitler always to
deal directly with Bormann on all matters. As
Speer put it, “I had lost for good.” He was
embittered and envious, and his feelings were to
color every utterance he made about the
Reichsleiter. Martin Bormann was now the leader in fact of Germany.
Hitler, exhausted, drained of the charisma of the
glory days of the thirties and the conquest years
of the early forties, was going through the
gestures of military leadership mechanically as
his troops fell back on all fronts. Martin
Bormann, forty-one at the fall of Berlin, and
strong as a bull, was at all times at Hitler’s
side, impassive and cool. His be-all and end-all
was to guide Hitler, and now to make the
decisions that would lead to the eventual rebirth
of his country. Hitler, his intuitions at peak
level despite his crumbling physical and mental
health in the last year of the Third Reich,
realized this and approved of it. “Bury your
treasure,” he advised Bormann, “for you will need
it to begin a Fourth Reich.” That is precisely
what Bormann was about when he set in motion the
“flight capital” scheme August 10, 1944, in
Strasbourg. The treasure, the golden ring, he
envisioned for the new Germany was the
sophisticated distribution of national and
corporate assets to safe havens throughout the
neutral nations of the rest of the world.
Martin Bormann knew in his heart that the war in
Europe was over when Normandy was lost. The day
Hitler’s troops were defeated at the Falaise Gap
was the day he ordered swing industrialists of
Germany to Strasbourg to hear his plans for Germany’s future.
Society’s natural survivors, French version, who
had served the Third Reich as an extension of
German industry, would continue to do so in the
period of postwar trials, just as they had
survived the war, occupation, and liberation.
These were many of the French elite, the
well-born, the propertied, the titled, the
experts, industrialists, businessmen,
bureaucrats, bankers. On the other hand, the
intellectuals, the writers, the propagandists for
the Germans, and the deputies of the Third
Republic were among those purged with a heavy
hand. The number of Frenchmen who were part of
the resistance during World War II was never
large, about 2 percent of the adult population.
With the liberation of France, old scores were
settled: 124,750 persons were tried, 767 being
executed for treason or contact with the enemy in
time of war. Sentenced to prison terms were
38,000, who also endured “loss of national
dignity”–disenfranchisement and ineligibility to
hold public office. Even before any arrests and
trials could take place, another 4,500 were shot out of hand.
Still, economic collaboration in France with the
Germans had been so widespread (on all levels of
society) that there had to be a realization that
an entire nation could not be brought to trial.
Only a few years before, there had been many a
sincere and well-meaning Frenchmanas in Belgium,
England, and throughout Europewho believed
National Socialism to be the wave of the future,
indeed, the only hope for curing the many
desperate social, political, and economic ills of
the time. France, along with other occupied
countries, did contribute volunteers for the
fight against Russia. Then there were many other
Frenchmen, the majority, who resignedly felt
there was no way the Germans could be pushed back across the Rhine.
--
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"Capitalism is institutionalised bribery."
_________________
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"The maintenance of secrets acts like a psychic
poison which alienates the possessor from the community" Carl Jung
<https://217.72.179.7/members/www.bilderberg.org/phpBB2/>https://217.72.179.7/members/www.bilderberg.org/phpBB2/
Fear not therefore: for there is nothing covered
that shall not be revealed; and nothing hid that
shall not be made known. What I tell you in
darkness, that speak ye in the light and what ye
hear in the ear, that preach ye upon the housetops. Matthew 10:26-27
Die Pride and Envie; Flesh, take the poor's advice.
Covetousnesse be gon: Come, Truth and Love arise.
Patience take the Crown; throw Anger out of dores:
Cast out Hypocrisie and Lust, which follows whores:
Then England sit in rest; Thy sorrows will have end;
Thy Sons will live in peace, and each will be a friend.
http://tinyurl.com/6ct7zh6
--
Please consider seriously the reason why these elite institutions are not discussed in the mainstream press despite the immense financial and political power they wield?
There are sick and evil occultists running the Western World. They are power mad lunatics like something from a kids cartoon with their fingers on the nuclear button! Armageddon is closer than you thought. Only God can save our souls from their clutches, at least that's my considered opinion - Tony
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