i am a  critic of government both republican and democrat

On Sep 8, 11:04 am, Frank <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
> Mikey,
>
> You are very outspoken critic of the Bush administration, and with
> good cause. The Bush administration is nothing more than a criminal
> cabal of gangster’s thugs and war criminals. However you fail to apply
> the same standards and objectivity when it comes to the Democrats and
> Obama.
>
> Without listing a litany of transgressions, Obama supports the war on
> terror. The war on terror is central to the Bush administrations
> waging of preemptive imperialist wars in the Middle East. It is a
> bogus, opened ended war that can be invoked indefinitely to justify
> further military aggression by the US without provocation.
>
> Obama supports the breeching of Pakistani Sovereignty resulting in the
> deaths of innocent civilians. Obama has supported the funding of the
> war on the pretense of supporting the troops, when any rational person
> knows bringing the troops home is the best support that can be
> bestowed upon them.
>
> This alone makes Obama complicit in the heinous war crimes committed
> by the Bush administration, along with most of his reprehensible
> colleagues.
>
> Obama promises social reforms when he knows very well he cannot make
> good these promises. The US is ostensibly bankrupt, surviving on the
> influx of overseas investment that is rapidly drying up due to the
> global economic crisis. The Fed cannot continue to bail out failing
> banking institutions; it does not have infinite resources.
>
> This scenario is repeated in every industrialized country, as all so-
> called workers parties due to economic conditions can NO longer grant
> concessions to the working class and have swung sharply to the right
> clawing back all the hard won concessions won by workers after WW2,
> including the Dems. It was Clinton that lead the assault on the US
> health care system.
>
> Economics and the demands of capital (big business) drive policy, not
> the will of the masses. Ideology is just that, an ideal that needs the
> right environment to be realized. This environment does not exist in
> the current socio-economic set up.
>
> Regards Frank
>
> On Sep 8, 8:16 pm, mike532 <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
>
>
>
> > Sep. 07
> > electoral vote count
> > ---------------------------------------------------------------------------­-----
> > Obama 301   McCain 224   Ties 13
> >  Senate Dem 56   GOP 43   Ties 1
> >  House Dem 243   GOP 192
>
> > On Sep 8, 5:48 am, Frank <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
>
> > > Obama’s lead in the polls crumbles as he turns sharply to the right
>
> > > 6th September
>
> > > Well before the announcement of Sarah Palin as John McCain’s
> > > Presidential running mate, the Obama campaign had suffered a palpable
> > > loss of political momentum which elaborate attempts at media stagecraft
> > > —the candidate’s trip to the Middle East and Europe, the hype over the
> > > vice-presidential selection process, the convention itself—have failed
> > > to reverse. Polls show a tight race between Obama and his Republican
> > > rival Senator John McCain, despite overwhelming popular hostility to
> > > the Bush administration and the Republican Party.
>
> > > There has been complete silence in both the media and the Democratic
> > > Party over the real source of this decline, which has little to do
> > > with negative advertising or the supposed prowess of the Republican
> > > “attack machine” or the effect of "wild card" Sarah Palin. In fact,
> > > the falloff in backing for Obama is sharpest among those layers—the
> > > young, self-described liberals, and those most hostile to the Iraq war
> > > and the Bush administration—who were among his most enthusiastic
> > > supporters in the primary campaign.
>
> > > Obama’s lead in the polls has crumbled as he turned sharply to the
> > > right following his primary victory over Hillary Clinton. His campaign
> > > faltered not because of a Republican media blitz—Obama continues to
> > > greatly outspend McCain—but because of the Democratic candidate’s
> > > demonstrative efforts to disassociate his campaign and prospective
> > > presidency from any semblance of progressive change.
>
> > > The Democratic presidential nominee voted in the Senate for increased
> > > wiretapping powers for the FBI and NSA, downplayed his past criticism
> > > of the war in Iraq, positioned himself as the most fervent advocate of
> > > military escalation in Afghanistan, and echoed the Bush
> > > administration’s saber-rattling over the conflict between Russia and
> > > Georgia. He said little about the continued deterioration of the US
> > > economy, reiterated his support for fiscal austerity policies that
> > > effectively rule out any significant program of social reform, and
> > > prostrated himself before the religious right in a joint appearance
> > > with McCain at a fundamentalist church.
>
> > > None of these positions came as a surprise to his most important
> > > backers, billionaires like Warren Buffett and the Pritzker family
> > > (Hyatt Hotels), other sections of the financial aristocracy and the
> > > Democratic Party establishment. But Obama’s emergence as an utterly
> > > conventional and conservative bourgeois politician—culminating in the
> > > selection of Senator Joseph Biden, a 35-year veteran of Washington, as
> > > his running mate—has deflated whatever there was of a popular
> > > mobilization, however manipulated and misguided, behind his campaign.
>
> > > Obama was never the candidate of a genuine oppositional movement
> > > against the political establishment. On the contrary, his candidacy
> > > was carefully planned by a section of that establishment, disaffected
> > > from the foreign policy of the Bush administration, particularly in
> > > Iraq, and the support for it from Democratic congressional leaders
> > > like Clinton and Biden.
>
> > > The Obama camp had no fundamental or principled differences with the
> > > use of war as an instrument to secure the interests of US imperialism.
> > > Its criticism of Bush was that he had waged war ineffectively and to a
> > > certain extent needlessly, and that the administration’s obsessive
> > > focus on Iraq had become a diversion from broader global concerns.
> > > Equally important, by defining his principal difference with Clinton
> > > in terms of her original vote to authorize the war in 2002, Obama was
> > > able to make at least a limited appeal to antiwar sentiment, and
> > > channel the mass opposition to the war back into the straitjacket of
> > > the Democratic Party.
>
> > > The divisions over Iraq were of a tactical character. In the past
> > > several months, however, a bipartisan consensus has emerged, embracing
> > > virtually the entire political establishment, Democrat and Republican,
> > > that the Bush administration escalation in Iraq has been a “success,”
> > > and that the US occupation has been at least temporarily stabilized at
> > > a level of violence acceptable to Washington (if not to the Iraqi
> > > people themselves).
>
> > > Now that the positions of Obama and Clinton on Iraq have largely
> > > converged with those of Bush and McCain, what accounts for the
> > > seemingly intractable divisions in the Democratic Party itself? As the
> > > WSWS explained during the primary voting, while political differences
> > > over foreign policy provided the initial impetus for Obama’s challenge
> > > to the presumptive frontrunner, the Obama-Clinton contest began to
> > > split the Democratic Party along race and gender lines.
>
> > > This was not merely due to the fact that the two finalists were the
> > > first African-American and the first woman with a significant chance
> > > of winning the presidential nomination of one of the two major
> > > bourgeois parties. More fundamental was the historical transformation
> > > of the Democratic Party over the past 40 years, the abandonment of
> > > any, however modest, class-based political appeal, and the emergence
> > > of identity politics as its central organizing principle.
>
> > > In the last great crisis of American capitalism, the Great Depression
> > > of the 1930s, the Democratic Party under Roosevelt forged a coalition
> > > embracing more far-sighted sections of the ruling class, the trade
> > > unions, including the newly formed industrial unions, the professional
> > > middle classes, small farmers and urban middle-class layers, from
> > > shopkeepers to intellectuals.
>
> > > While American liberalism fervently supported the profit system, it
> > > advanced in that period a reform agenda calling for a restructuring of
> > > American capitalism in a way that would curtail the power of big
> > > business, make a limited redistribution of wealth and achieve a
> > > semblance of greater socio-economic equality.
>
> > > This program ended in shipwreck in the 1960s, when the Democratic
> > > Party had to choose between social reform and the war in Vietnam, and
> > > it chose, as it had to as a capitalist party, the defense of
> > > imperialist interests abroad at the expense of the working class.
>
> > > More fundamentally, the protracted decline of American capitalism’s
> > > world position, throughout the 1960s and 1970s undermined the core
> > > Democratic promise of rising living standards and expanded social
> > > services for all. The party sought to refashion itself instead as the
> > > dispenser of privileges to elite layers among various racial and
> > > ethnic constituencies and among women, while the living standards of
> > > the broad mass of working people, African-American and Latino as well
> > > as white, women and men, stagnated or declined.
>
> > > The embrace of identity politics was based on an evasion of the
> > > fundamental class issues in American society. No Democrat politician
> > > today could denounce the pernicious influence of the financial
> > > oligarchs, as Roosevelt did, without suffering immediate political
> > > oblivion.
>
> > > This obsessive focus on secondary issues of race, gender, sexual
> > > orientation, etc., was on display throughout the Democratic
>
> ...
>
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>
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