no he is an effing idiot.
On Fri, Sep 12, 2008 at 3:44 PM, Frank <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
>
> The article criticizes Chavez Einstein. He is not a bloody Socialist.
>
> On Sep 13, 6:32 am, Travis <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
> > chavezoshit is doing a wonderful job destroying what once was a fine
> > country, which is exactly what socialism always does. anyone who
> advocates
> > socialism is a traitor to this country and should be taken out and shot
> > immediately. no exceptions.
> >
> > On Fri, Sep 12, 2008 at 3:23 PM, Frank <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
> >
> > > Venezuela: the class issues in Chavez's constitutional referendum
> > > By Bill Van Auken
> > > 28 November 2007
> >
> > > The approach of the December 2 referendum on the proposed reworking of
> > > Venezuela's constitution has produced a sharp intensification of the
> > > country's political crisis.
> >
> > > On Monday, the political violence orchestrated by right-wing opponents
> > > of the left-nationalist government of President Hugo Chavez claimed
> > > the life of Jose Oliveros, a 19-year-old oil worker, who was shot in
> > > the back by opponents of the constitutional reform while heading for
> > > work at a state-owned firm in the central state of Aragua. When he
> > > attempted to drive down a street blocked by protesters, he was shot
> > > and killed.
> >
> > > The young worker's death comes after nearly a month of demonstrations—
> > > both for and against the reform, which includes 69 additions or
> > > amendments to the country's current constitution.
> >
> > > Leading the campaign against the reform are the political forces tied
> > > to Venezuela's wealthy oligarchy, backed by Washington, the same
> > > forces that sought to overthrow Chavez in the abortive US-supported
> > > coup April 2002 and which have since staged a series of political
> > > provocations.
> >
> > > Egged on by Venezuela's privately owned right-wing media, the "no"
> > > campaign has generated an atmosphere of hysteria over the referendum,
> > > managing to mobilize demonstrations drawn largely from the most
> > > privileged sections of middle and upper class students.
> >
> > > These right-wing and often violent student protests have drawn the
> > > great bulk of the attention of the international mass media, which has
> > > cast them as a struggle against authoritarianism and in defense of
> > > democracy. No section of the mass media has taken note of the
> > > political irony that these supposed champions of democracy were
> > > precisely the same elements that backed a military coup aimed at
> > > overthrowing an elected president.
> >
> > > For the most part, demonstrations supporting the reform, consisting of
> > > more predominantly working class crowds, have been larger, but have
> > > drawn no comparable media attention.
> >
> > > Conflicting opinion polls have either indicated that the reform will
> > > pass with a clear majority or placed the "yes" and "no" votes in a
> > > dead heat.
> >
> > > By every indication, political tensions in Venezuela are sharper than
> > > at any time since the attempted coup of 2002. The traditional bastions
> > > of the ruling elite have sought to foment a confrontation. The
> > > Catholic bishops, for example, issued a statement Monday describing
> > > the reforms as "morally unacceptable." Similarly, Fedecamaras, the
> > > main business association, which was one of the principal supporters
> > > of the failed coup, called Monday for a no vote, while insisting that
> > > their position had nothing to do with its members' "lifestyle."
> >
> > > "In Fedecamaras we are democrats," the statement read. "We are not nor
> > > do we want to be communists."
> >
> > > More telling in terms of the depth of the political crisis is the
> > > defection of some political parties—the social democratic Podemos
> > > being the most significant—and leading figures previously identified
> > > with "Chavismo."
> >
> > > Most important among the latter is retired general Raul Baduel, who
> > > had been Venezuela's defense minister until July of this year. On
> > > November 5, Baduel called a press conference for Venezuela's right-
> > > wing media condemning the proposed reform as a "constitutional coup."
> > > While urging a "no" vote, he also called upon the military to
> > > "profoundly analyze" proposals for changes to the structure of the
> > > armed forces and declared that "the capacity of Venezuelan military
> > > men to analyze and think" should not be underestimated.
> >
> > > The content of such words is unmistakable. Denouncing the referendum
> > > vote as a "coup" essentially legitimizes the real thing, while the
> > > appeal to "military men" to "analyze" the political proposals
> > > presumably implies that once they have done so, action is warranted.
> >
> > > The significance of this veiled appeal to the officer corps is all the
> > > greater in that its author was one of Chavez's oldest political allies
> > > and long considered his most important supporter within the Venezuelan
> > > military.
> >
> > > Baduel was one of the initial members of the Revolutionary Bolivarian
> > > Movement (MBR-200), the conspiratorial cell formed within the
> > > Venezuelan military in the 1980s that ultimately gave rise to the
> > > abortive 1992 coup led by Chavez, then a paratrooper colonel. While
> > > Baduel did not participate in the coup and apparently questioned its
> > > feasibility, he subsequently defended Chavez and backed his
> > > presidential bid in 1998.
> >
> > > More importantly, in 2002, it was Baduel who led the forces within the
> > > Venezuelan military that ultimately defeated the US-backed April coup.
> > > In 2004 he was named the army's commander and in 2006 the country's
> > > defense minister.
> >
> > > This turn by Baduel—who had proclaimed himself a firm adherent of
> > > Chavez's "21st century socialism"—undoubtedly reflects broader
> > > divisions within the army as a whole, and the threat of another coup
> > > can by no means be discounted.
> >
> > > There is also no doubt that the US State Department and the CIA are
> > > actively fomenting the opposition to the constitutional reform as a
> > > vehicle for uniting forces that could potentially overthrow the Chavez
> > > government. Just as in the Middle East, Washington is determined to
> > > reassert its hegemonic control over a region that contains some of the
> > > most important energy reserves on the face of the planet by installing
> > > a more pliant regime.
> >
> > > The mass sentiment in favor of the referendum is founded both on the
> > > hatred among masses of Venezuelan workers and oppressed for their most
> > > rabid class enemies, who make up the "no" camp, as well as the
> > > constitutional reform's promise of various social benefits, which are
> > > promoted by the Chavez government and its supporters as the
> > > implementation of "socialism."
> >
> > > These reforms include promises to implement a six-hour workday and the
> > > establishment of a supplementary health insurance program for the
> > > millions of Venezuelans—up to half the population—who are classified
> > > as part of the "informal" sector of the economy, without any regular
> > > employment. Making these programs into articles in the constitution,
> > > however, does not create them beyond the level of a legal principle.
> >
> > > The reality is that the changes advanced for Venezuela's constitution
> > > have nothing to do with putting an end to capitalism or establishing a
> > > socialist society, and the dangers that the various amendments
> > > proposed by the government pose to the working class are far greater
> > > than any promised benefits.
> >
> > > The essential thrust of the reforms is the amassing of greater
> > > presidential power in the hands of Chavez, furthering the
> > > consolidation of a personalist bourgeois regime resting on both the
> > > military and populist appeals to the poorest sections of the
> > > population, made possible by oil export-funded social programs.
> >
> > > The amendments include an extension of presidential terms from six
> > > years to seven and allow the unlimited reelection of incumbent
> > > presidents, both of which are designed specifically to keep Chavez in
> > > Miraflores, the presidential palace.
> >
> > > While much has been made about the left and even "socialist" rhetoric
> > > that suffuses the proposed amendments, the reality is that the
> > > rewritten constitution includes explicit guarantees for the private
> > > capitalist ownership of the means of production. It also enshrines the
> > > status of "mixed" private-state enterprises, which exist most
> > > prominently in the deals signed between the Venezuelan government and
> > > the foreign energy conglomerates for the exploitation of Venezuelan
> > > oil. Other clauses in the existing constitution guaranteeing equal
> > > treatment for foreign and national capitalist enterprises, patents and
> > > intellectual property rights remain untouched.
> >
> > > To the extent that the document envisions state expropriation of
> > > capitalist industries, it is within the general framework of its
> > > defense of private property, to be carried out along the lines of the
> > > recent nationalization of CANTV, the Verizon-owned Venezuelan
> > > telephone company, which was accompanied by compensation exceeding its
> > > value on the stock market.
> >
> > > There are also amendments redefining the Venezuelan military as an
> > > "anti-imperialist popular entity" and renaming the National Guard the
> > > "Bolivarian Popular Militia," but, these semantic changes
> > > notwithstanding, these bodies remain under the same structure and
> > > discipline of the bourgeois armed forces.
> >
> > > The most significant change in this regard is, once again, a
> > > strengthening of presidential power, with the president given the
> > > authority to determine all promotions within the officer corps.
> >
> > > In the political sphere, the reform would give Chavez power to create
> > > by decree federal provinces, territories and even cities, while naming
> > > un-elected "vice-presidents" to govern over them, essentially usurping
> > > the power of elected provincial and municipal governments.
> >
> > > Similarly, the entire public treasury—including the central bank and
> > > the country's currency reserves—will be placed under the direct
> > > control of the president. Meanwhile, however, Venezuela's financial
> > > system remains firmly in the control of the international banks and
> > > their Venezuelan subsidiaries—which are recording the highest rates of
> >
> > ...
> >
> > read more »
> >
>
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