EIGHTY-FOUR PERCENT SAY THEY'D NEVER LIE TO A POLLSTER

October 15, 2008

Ann Coulter

With an African-American running for president this year, there has been a lot 
of chatter about the "Bradley effect," allowing the media to wail about 
institutional racism in America. 

Named after Tom Bradley, who lost his election for California governor in 1982 
despite a substantial lead in the polls, the Bradley effect says that black 
candidates will poll much stronger than the actual election results. 

First of all, if true, this is the opposite of racism: It is fear of being 
accused of racism. For most Americans, there is nothing more terrifying than 
the prospect of being called a racist. It's scarier than flood or famine, 
terrorist attacks or flesh-eating bacteria. To some, it's even scarier than 
"food insecurity." 

Political correctness has taught people to lie to pollsters rather than be 
forced to explain why they're not voting for the African-American. 

This is how two typical voters might answer a pollster's question: "Whom do you 
support for president?" 

Average Obama voter: "Obama." (Name of average Obama voter: "Mickey Mouse.") 

Average McCain voter: "I'm voting for McCain, but I swear it's just about the 
issues. It's not because Obama's black. If Barack Obama were a little more 
moderate -- hey, I'd vote for Colin Powell. But my convictions force me to vote 
for the candidate who just happens to be white. Say, do you know where I can 
get Patti LaBelle tickets?" 

In addition to the social pressure to constantly prove you're not a racist, 
apparently there is massive social pressure to prove you're not a Republican. 
No one is lying about voting for McCain just to sound cool. 

Reviewing the polls printed in The New York Times and The Washington Post in 
the last month of every presidential election since 1976, I found the polls 
were never wrong in a friendly way to Republicans. When the polls were wrong, 
which was often, they overestimated support for the Democrat, usually by about 
6 to 10 points. 

In 1976, Jimmy Carter narrowly beat Gerald Ford 50.1 percent to 48 percent. And 
yet, on Sept. 1, Carter led Ford by 15 points. Just weeks before the election, 
on Oct. 16, 1976, Carter led Ford in the Gallup Poll by 6 percentage points -- 
down from his 33-point Gallup Poll lead in August. 

Reading newspaper coverage of presidential elections in 1980 and 1984, I found 
myself paralyzed by the fear that Reagan was going to lose. 

In 1980, Ronald Reagan beat Carter by nearly 10 points, 51 percent to 41 
percent. In a Gallup Poll released days before the election on Oct. 27, it was 
Carter who led Reagan 45 percent to 42 percent. 

In 1984, Reagan walloped Walter Mondale 58.8 percent to 40 percent, -- the 
largest electoral landslide in U.S. history. But on Oct. 15, The New York Daily 
News published a poll showing Mondale with only a 4-point deficit to Reagan, 45 
percent to 41 percent. A Harris Poll about the same time showed Reagan with 
only a 9-point lead. The Oct. 19 New York Times/CBS News Poll had Mr. Reagan 
ahead of Mondale by 13 points. All these polls underestimated Reagan's actual 
margin of victory by 6 to 15 points. 

In 1988, George H.W. Bush beat Michael Dukakis by a whopping 53.4 percent to 
45.6 percent. A New York Times/CBS News Poll on Oct. 5 had Bush leading the 
Greek homunculus by a statistically insignificant 2 points -- 45 percent to 43 
percent. (For the kids out there: Before it became a clearinghouse for 
anti-Bush conspiracy theories, CBS News was considered a credible journalistic 
entity.) 

A week later -- or one tank ride later, depending on who's telling the story -- 
on Oct. 13, Bush was leading Dukakis in The New York Times Poll by a mere 5 
points. 

Admittedly, a 3- to 6-point error is not as crazily wrong as the 6- to 15-point 
error in 1984. But it's striking that even small "margin of error" mistakes 
never seem to benefit Republicans. 

In 1992, Bill Clinton beat the first President Bush 43 percent to 37.7 percent. 
(Ross Perot got 18.9 percent of Bush's voters that year.) On Oct. 18, a 
Newsweek Poll had Clinton winning 46 percent to 31 percent, and a CBS News Poll 
showed Clinton winning 47 percent to 35 percent. 

So in 1992, the polls had Clinton 12 to 15 points ahead, but he won by only 5.3 
points. 

In 1996, Bill Clinton beat Bob Dole 49 percent to 40 percent. And yet on Oct. 
22, 1996, The New York Times/CBS News Poll showed Clinton leading by a massive 
22 points, 55 percent to 33 percent. 

In 2000, which I seem to recall as being fairly close, the October polls 
accurately described the election as a virtual tie, with either Bush or Al Gore 
1 or 2 points ahead in various polls. But in one of the latest polls to give 
either candidate a clear advantage, The New York Times/CBS News Poll on Oct. 3, 
2000, showed Gore winning by 45 percent to 39 percent. 

In the last presidential election the polls were surprisingly accurate -- not 
including the massively inaccurate Election Day exit poll. In the end, Bush 
beat John Kerry 50.7 percent to 48.3 percent in 2004. Most of the October polls 
showed the candidates in a dead-heat, with Bush 1 to 3 points ahead. So either 
pollsters got a whole lot better starting in 2004, or Democrats stole more 
votes in that election than we even realized. 

www.anncoulter.com

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