Imagine Obama's grin and chuckle with Putin and Assad.

On Oct 17, 1:35 am, "\"Lone Wolf\"" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
> A political farce, not a debate
> By Patrick Martin
> 17 October 2008
>
> Wednesday’s nationally televised encounter between Barack Obama and
> John McCain was less a debate than a ritualized episode of a
> peculiarly American form of political theater.
>
> The two candidates, both multi-millionaire representatives of the
> upper crust of American society, shared the stage with another multi-
> millionaire, an aging TV anchorman who confined the subjects and
> questions to the banal and predictable, excluding anything that would
> call into question the overarching right-wing framework of the
> discussion. (Where in this debate, for instance, was there a question
> on the latest figures showing that 28 countries have a lower infant
> mortality rate than the US, or on the growth in the number of working
> poor, or on the plunge towards bankruptcy of state and local
> governments?)
>
> The debate was broadcast simultaneously on all four television
> networks and three cable news networks, each with its own set of
> millionaire anchormen and pundits, who formed a media chorus
> proclaiming the significance of the event as the last and potentially
> defining contest of the presidential campaign.
>
> This was bolstered by an elaborate apparatus of “expert” panels, focus
> groups and instant polls, all designed to give the impression that
> something of enormous historical significance was taking place. When
> the event was over, however, nothing but a few sound bites remained,
> and nothing at all of genuine political content.
>
> The reason for the emptiness and hollowness of the exercise is not
> difficult to discern, although it remains an unmentionable in the mass
> media. The two parties, despite their feverish competition for
> political office, dominated by mudslinging and character
> assassination, represent the same class interests.
>
> The Democrats and the Republicans comprise rival factions of the
> financial aristocracy that dominates American society and is
> responsible for the economic catastrophe that has erupted over the
> past month. Accordingly, neither party wants a serious or critical
> examination of the causes of the financial collapse or of the
> consequences that will inevitably befall the vast majority of the
> people—lost jobs, lost homes, lost incomes, lost futures for their
> children. In a word, economic and social ruin.
>
> Thus the disorienting spectacle on Wednesday night, where the
> candidates devoted a grand total of nine minutes (out of 90) to what
> Obama conceded was “the worst financial crisis since the Great
> Depression.” Neither candidate went beyond previous comments on the
> crisis, and both took the identical position—they had voted in the
> Senate for the initial $700 billion bailout for Wall Street, and they
> now supported the second and even more massive handover of public
> funds in the form of capital injections into the major banks,
> announced by the Bush administration the day before the debate.
>
> It seems to be a mathematical law of American bourgeois politics that
> the differences between the candidates are inversely proportional to
> the significance of the issue. The candidates placidly agreed that the
> federal treasury should be placed at the disposal of the same
> financial criminals who caused the crisis, and then turned to a bitter
> exchange over campaign tactics, followed by a restatement of familiar
> (and largely minor) differences over a range of domestic subjects from
> taxes to education.
>
> The third Obama-McCain debate will be remembered mainly for McCain’s
> insistence on insulting the intelligence of his audience with no less
> than 24 references to a Toledo, Ohio plumber, Joseph Wurzelbacher,
> whom he presented as the personification of the American small
> businessman about to bankrupted by Obama’s alleged addiction to high
> taxes. Within 24 hours of the debate, nearly every fact McCain
> asserted about “Joe the plumber” has been called into question.
>
> The main concern for Obama, with a wide lead in the polls and in state-
> by-state electoral vote projections, was to demonstrate again to the
> American ruling elite that he can be trusted to defend their
> interests. As in the previous debates, he refrained from any verbal
> lashing of the wealthy speculators whose parasitic operations brought
> about the market crash. It was left to McCain, the Republican, to
> declare the American people “innocent victims of greed and excess on
> Wall Street.” Obama, by contrast, cited his billionaire supporter
> Warren Buffett, the richest man in America, as a key adviser on
> economic policy.
>
> McCain’s performance was incoherent and self-contradictory. He began
> with the reference to “greed and excess on Wall Street,” then followed
> by denouncing Obama for allegedly advocating “class warfare” in his
> tax policy. He reiterated his support for the gargantuan federal
> bailout of the banks, then spent the rest of the debate accusing his
> opponent of advocating “big government” and “throwing money at the
> problem” when it came to such issues as health care, education, energy
> policy and job creation.
>
> The most revealing episode in the 90-minute session was Obama’s
> conclusion to the lengthy exchange on negative campaigning, and his
> relationship with former 1960s radical Bill Ayers. The Democratic
> candidate said, “The allegation that Senator McCain has continually
> made is that somehow my associations are troubling. Let me tell you
> who I associate with. On economic policy, I associate with Warren
> Buffett and former Fed Chairman Paul Volcker. If I’m interested in
> figuring out my foreign policy, I associate myself with my running
> mate, Joe Biden, or with Dick Lugar, the Republican ranking member on
> the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, or General Jim Jones, the
> former supreme allied commander of NATO. Those are the people,
> Democrats and Republicans, who have shaped my ideas and who will be
> surrounding me in the White House.”
>
> Republicans, billionaires, bankers, senators, generals—that sums up
> the “change we can believe in” that Obama represents. The Democratic
> candidate cites these pillars of the US political and corporate
> establishment as proof of his non-radicalism, as a guarantee that he
> will do nothing to challenge the wealth and power of the ruling elite.
>
> There is a logic to politics. If, as appears likely, Obama takes
> office as US president on January 20, 2009, his administration will be
> committed from the very first day to imposing the burden of the global
> financial crisis on the backs of the American working class.
>
> There was one further episode of importance. In the course of the
> discussion of negative campaigning, Obama made a reference to the
> fascistic tenor of elements attracted to Republican campaign rallies
> in recent weeks, particularly those for vice presidential candidate
> Sarah Palin, noting that some people “were shouting, when my name came
> up, things like ‘terrorist’ and ‘kill him,’ and that your running mate
> didn’t mention, didn’t stop, didn’t say, ‘Hold on a second, that’s
> kind of out of line’.”
>
> McCain, chillingly, did not condemn the death threats against Obama,
> declaring instead, “Let me just say categorically I’m proud of the
> people that come to our rallies.”
>
> Neither Obama nor moderator Bob Schieffer of CBS sought to press the
> issue. And when Schieffer gave Obama the opportunity to comment on
> Palin directly, asking him whether she was qualified for the
> presidency, Obama chose to avoid the issue entirely, and made no
> reference to Palin’s connections to extreme-right groups like the
> Alaskan Independence Party. In this too, Obama toes the line of the
> right-wing consensus—the growth of fascist tendencies within the
> Republican Party is not to be criticized, even when these elements
> directly threaten violence.
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