http://stupidfrogs.org/articles/president_and_congress_are_heeless_to_the_limits_of_their_power.html



*President and Congress are Heedless to the Limits of Their Power*



By Andrew Napolitano
WashingtonTimes.com

[image: Illustration on Congress' continuing resolution provisions eroding
Constitutional liberties by Alexandr Hunter/The Washington Times]
<http://www.washingtontimes.com/multimedia/image/12172014_b1-napol8201jpg/>

Illustration on Congress’ continuing resolution provisions eroding
Constitutional liberties by Alexandr Hunter/The Washington Times



When the government is waving at us with its right hand, so to speak, it is
the government’s left hand that we should be watching. Just as a magician
draws your attention to what he wants you to see so you will not observe
how his trick is performed, last week presented a textbook example of
public disputes masking hidden deceptions. Here is what happened.

Last week was dominated by two huge news stories. One was the revelation by
the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence about torture committed by CIA
agents and contractors on 119 detainees in the post-Sept. 11 era — 26 of
whom were tortured for months by mistake. In that revelation of anguish and
error were the conclusions by CIA agents themselves that their torture had
not produced helpful information. President Obama acknowledged that the CIA
had tortured, yet he directed the Department of Justice not to prosecute
those who tortured and those who authorized it.

The other substantial news story was the compromise achieved by Congress
and the White House to fund the government through the end of September.
That legislation, which is 2,000 pages in length, was not read by anyone
who voted for it. It spends a few hundred billion dollars more than the
government will collect in tax revenue. The compromise was achieved through
bribery; members of Congress bought and sold votes by adding goodies (in
the form of local expenditures of money borrowed by the federal government)
to the bill that were never debated or independently voted upon and were
added solely to achieve the votes needed for passage. This is how the
federal government operates today. Both parties participate in it. They
have turned the public Treasury into a public trough.

Hidden in the law that authorized the government to spend more than it will
collect was a part about funding for the 16 federal civilian intelligence
agencies. Hidden in that was a clause, inserted by the same Senate
intelligence committee that revealed the CIA torture, authorizing the
National Security Agency to gather and retain nonpublic data for five years
and to share it with law enforcement and with foreign governments.
“Non-public data” is the government’s language referring to the content of
the emails, text messages, telephone calls, bank statements, utility bills
and credit card bills of nearly every innocent person in America —
including members of Congress, federal judges, public officials and law
enforcement officials. I say “innocent” because the language of this
legislation — which purports to make lawful the NSA spying we now all know
about — makes clear that those who spy upon us needn’t have any articulable
suspicion or probable cause for spying.

The need for articulable suspicion and probable cause has its origins in
the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution, which was written to prohibit
what Congress just authorized. That amendment was a reaction to the brutish
British practice of rummaging through the homes of American Colonists to
look for anything that might be illegal. It is also a codification of our
natural right to privacy. It requires that if the government wants
nonpublic data from our persons, houses, papers or effects, it must first
present evidence of probable cause to a judge and then ask the judge for a
search warrant.

Probable cause is a level of evidence that is sufficient to induce a judge
into concluding that it is more likely than not that the place to be
examined contains evidence of crimes. In order to seek probable cause, the
government must have an articulable suspicion about the person or place it
has targeted. Were this not in the law, then nothing would stop the
government from fishing expeditions in pursuit of anyone it wants to
pursue, and fishing expeditions turn the presumption of liberty on its
head. The presumption of liberty is based on the belief that our rights are
natural to us and that we may exercise them without a permission slip from
the government and without its surveillance.

Until last week, that is. Last week, Congress, by authorizing the massive
NSA spying to continue and by authorizing the spies to share what they have
seized with law enforcement, basically permitted the fishing expeditions
that the Fourth Amendment was written to prevent.

How can the president and Congress defy the Constitution, you might ask?
Hasn’t every member of the government taken an oath to uphold the
Constitution? Doesn’t the Constitution create the presidency and the
Congress? How can politicians purport to change it?

The answers to these questions are obvious, as is the belief of most of
those in government that they can write any law and regulate any behavior
and ignore the Constitution they have sworn to uphold whenever they want,
so long as they can get away with it.

•* Andrew P. Napolitano, a former judge of the Superior Court of New
Jersey, is an analyst for the Fox News Channel. He has written seven books
on the U.S. Constitution.*




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