From: Travis
Subject: A Fake Banking History of the United States
Date: Thursday, October 30, 2008,

  See Also Jim Fedako's Article, Fundamentals Are …
Fundamental<http://mises.org/story/3159>
. A Fake Banking History of the United States

*Daily Article* by Thomas J.
DiLorenzo<http://mises.org/articles.aspx?AuthorId=425>| Posted on
10/30/2008
 *An MP3 audio version of this article, read by Dr. Floy Lilley, is
available 
**here*<http://mises.org/multimedia/mp3/audioarticles/3161_DiLorenzo.mp3>
*.*
 Ask yourself this question: was the housing price bubble, which has burst,
caused by (a) a Fed policy of too much liquidity, which caused artificially
low interest rates, which in turn caused a great deal of malinvestment, or
(b) a Fed policy of *too little* liquidity which caused high interest rates
and a credit-starved economy? If you chose answer *b*, congratulations, you
may have a future as a celebrated author, historian, and *Wall Street
Journal* commentator.
Answer *b* is a theme of a truly ridiculous article by John Steele Gordon in
the October 10 issue of the *Wall Street Journal* online entitled "A Short
Banking History of the United
States."<http://online.wsj.com/article/SB122360636585322023.html>The
article is an attempt to defend the Fed, its founding father,
Alexander
Hamilton, and the regime that it finances. (Gordon is the author of a book
entitled *Hamilton's
Blessing*<http://books.google.com/books?id=WvGsGwAACAAJ>which sings
the praises of a large public debt, something that Hamilton
himself called a "public blessing.")
Rather than faulting the Fed for creating yet another boom-and-bust cycle,
Gordon blames the current economic debacle on "the baleful influence of
Thomas Jefferson." Jefferson was the foremost opponent of a bank capitalized
with tax dollars and operated by politicians and their appointees from the
nation's capital — Hamilton's Bank of the United States (BUS), a precursor
of the Fed. Thus, despite the fact that the real blame for the current
economic crisis lies squarely in the lap of the Fed and its ideological
underpinnings — particularly the legends and myths surrounding Hamilton —
Gordon attempts to convince us that opposition to politicized, centralized
banking is the real problem. Anyone who believes this could easily be
persuaded that up is down, white is black, and day is night. The purpose of
the Fed, according to Gordon, is to serve as a sort of a monetary benevolent
despot: "To guard the money supply … regulating the economy thereby."
Right-wing statists like Gordon, like left-wing statists, have adopted the
custom of smearing Jefferson as a slave owner not so much because they are
appalled that he owned slaves, but because their objective is to denigrate
his laissez-faire/limited-government political philosophy. Gordon includes
the Jefferson slavery smear in his article, but fails to mention that his
hero Hamilton also owned "house slaves," which were brought into his
marriage by his wife Eliza; he once purchased six slaves at an auction; and
he supported the return of runaway slaves to their "owners" under the
Fugitive Slave Clause of the original Constitution.
Indeed, nearly all of the "first families" of the New York City of
Hamilton's time — his main social and political circle — were slave owners.
As Hamilton biographer Ron Chernow has written, during Hamilton's time, "New
York City, in particular, was identified with slavery … and was linked
[economically] through its sugar refineries in the West Indies" (where
Hamilton was born and raised). By the late 1790s slaves were "regarded as
status symbols" by the wealthiest New York families.
Gordon spreads several other falsehoods about Jefferson in the leading
paragraphs of his article. This in itself is telling, for it shows that
court historians like John Steele Gordon fully understand the importance of
Hamilton's statist political philosophy in propping up the Fed and the
regime that it finances. Gordon claims that Jefferson, a lifelong
businessman, "hated commerce," "hated banks," and "may not have understood
the concept of central banking." He also argues that Hamilton, by contrast,
had a "profound understanding of markets" because he worked as a bookkeeper
for British slave-owning sugar-plantation operators and exporters as a
teenager on the Caribbean island of St. Croix. This is nonsense on stilts,
as the philosopher Jeremy Bentham is supposed to have said with regard to
another spurious claim.
What Jefferson opposed was Hamilton's mercantilist policies of *
government-controlled* banking, corporate welfare, protectionist tariffs,
heavy excise taxation, excessive public debt, and other interventions.
Unlike Hamilton, Jefferson had read and understood Adam Smith's *Wealth of
Nations* and his *Theory of Moral Sentiments*, as well as the work of David
Ricardo, Jean-Baptiste Say
<http://www.mises.org/store/Search.aspx?m=53>(who Jefferson tried to
get to join the faculty of the University of
Virginia), Richard
Cantillon<http://www.mises.org/store/Essay-on-the-Nature-of-Commerce-in-General-P112.aspx>,
and other economic theorists of that era. Hamilton was ignorant of or
ignored all of this. His major intellectual influence was a propagandist for
the British mercantilist regime named Sir James Steuart.
As Murray Rothbard wrote in an article entitled "A Future of Peace and
Capitalism," <http://mises.org/story/1559>

 Jefferson was very precisely in favor of *laissez-faire*, or free-market,
capitalism. And that was the real argument between [Hamilton and Jefferson].
It wasn't really that Jefferson was against factories or industries per se;
what he was against was coerced [economic] development, that is, taxing the
farmers through tariffs and subsidies to build up industry artificially,
which was essentially the Hamilton program. Jefferson … was a very learned
person. He read Adam Smith, he read Ricardo, he was very familiar with
laissez-faire classical economics. And so his economic program … was a very
sophisticated application of classical economics to the American scene …
classicists were also against tariffs, subsidies, and coerced economic
development…. The Jeffersonian wing of the founding fathers was essentially
free-market, *laissez-faire* capitalists.

Compared to Jefferson, Hamilton was an economic ignoramus. His reputation as
some kind of financial genius has been greatly exaggerated and fabricated,
as the great late-nineteenth-century Yale sociologist William Graham Sumner
wrote in his 1905 biography of
Hamilton<http://books.google.com/books?id=dmgSAAAAYAAJ>.
In his *Report on Manufacturers*, for example, Hamilton presented the
cockeyed notion that international competition would cause higher prices and
protectionism would cause lower prices by causing domestic producers to
compete more vigorously with each other. History had proven this to be an
absurd idea long before Hamilton's time.
Hamilton also condemned transportation costs, calling them "an evil which
ought to be minimized" through protectionism. Of course, transportation
costs also affect interstate trade, but Hamilton never voiced his opposition
to them in that context. Hamilton was such a mercantilist that he even
argued in favor of "a monopoly of the domestic market" by *banning all
imports altogether*. It is little wonder that William Graham Sumner referred
to Hamilton's *Report on Manufactures* as a mass of economic confusion, just
the opposite of a "profound and practical understanding of markets."
Jefferson was not the only prominent opponent of Hamilton's scheme to
establish a bank operated by politicians out of the nation's capital. James
Madison also opposed the First Bank of the United States (BUS). The Virginia
Senator John Taylor was as learned on the subject of political economy as
Jefferson was, and immediately recognized the danger of imitating the Bank
of England as a financier of mercantilist subsidies. "What was it that drove
our forefathers to this country?" he asked. "Was it not the ecclesiastical
corps and perpetual monopolies of England and Scotland? Shall we suffer the
same evils in this country?" Hamilton's answer would have been "why yes, we
shall, for it is the surest route to accumulate power and wealth for myself
and my fellow Federalists." As Gordon wrote, "Hamilton wanted to establish a
central bank modeled on the Bank of England."
John Steele Gordon's "short history" of banking is completely filled with
falsehoods. Throughout his article, he blames Jefferson's opposition to
central banking for economic problems that were in fact created by
Hamilton's Bank of the United States.
<http://www.mises.org/store/History-of-Money-and-Banking-in-the-United-States-hardcover-P191C18.aspx>
As Murray Rothbard wrote in *A History of Money and Banking in the United
States<http://www.mises.org/store/History-of-Money-and-Banking-in-the-United-States-hardcover-P191C18.aspx>
* (p. 69), as soon as Hamilton's bank was established it

 promptly fulfilled its inflationary potential by issuing millions of
dollars in paper money and demand deposits, pyramiding on top of $2 million
in specie. The Bank … invested heavily in loans to the United States
government…. The result of the outpouring of credit and paper money by the
new bank of the United States was … in increase [in prices] of 72 percent
[from 1791–1796].

The BUS charter was not renewed after its first twenty years. Gordon blames
Jefferson for this, but the above-mentioned economic instability that was
caused by the BUS surely played a role. (And I'm sure Jefferson would have
been proud to accept the credit for the demise of the BUS.) The BUS was
revived after the War of 1812 (in 1817) and it immediately "ran into grave
difficulties through mismanagement, speculation, and fraud," wrote James J.
Kilpatrick in his book, *The Sovereign
States<http://sovereignstates.org/books/The_Sovereign_States/SovereignStates.html>
*. Consequently, "a wave of hostility toward the Bank of the United States
swept the country," which eventually led to President Andrew Jackson's veto
of the bank rechartering bill.
<http://www.mises.org/store/Panic-of-1819-Reactions-and-Policies-P388C18.aspx>
In 1817 the BUS quickly lent $23 million with a specie reserve of only $2.3
million. This flood of cheap credit created a brief economic boom, and then
the inevitable bust, or depression, known at the time as the Panic of 1819.
As Murray Rothbard wrote in *The Panic of
1819*<http://www.mises.org/store/Panic-of-1819-Reactions-and-Policies-P388C18.aspx>,
personal bankruptcies abounded, especially among farmers who had
overextended themselves thanks to the BUS's cheap credit; and there was for
the first time large-scale unemployment in American cities, with
manufacturing employment in Philadelphia falling from 9,700 employed persons
in 1815 to only 2,100 in 1819. This was all *Jefferson's* fault, says John
Steele Gordon.
Another one of Gordon's false claims is that "The Civil War ended … monetary
chaos when Congress passed the National Bank Act," which would become the
state's monopolistic monetary regime until the creation of the Fed in 1913.
In reality, the so-called Independent Treasury System that existed from the
early 1840s to 1863 was arguably the most stable monetary system in US
history. Modern economic scholars have evaluated the Lincoln regime's
National Currency Acts and have arrived at the *opposite* conclusion of
Gordon's. In an article entitled "Money versus Credit Rationing: Evidence
for the National Banking Era, 1880–1914" (in Claudia Goldin, ed., *Strategic
Factors in Nineteenth-Century American Economic Growth*) Michael Bordo, Anna
Schwartz, and Peter Rappaport concluded that this Hamiltonian system "was
characterized by monetary and cyclical instability, four banking panics,
frequent stock market crashes, and other financial disturbances."
Gordon notes that "inflation took off in the 1960s" but does not blame the
actual cause of the inflation — the Fed and its legalized counterfeiting
operations. He concludes by praising the regime's current plans to
nationalize the financial markets by assuming stock ownership in banks and
appointing the US Treasury secretary as the nation's first financial
dictator. He thinks this will finally, at long last, achieve Hamilton's
dream of a "unified and coherent regulatory system free of undue political
influence."
Of course, no government institution in the history of the world has ever
been free of political influence, due or undue. This is perhaps Gordon's
most spectacularly stupid remark.
"Unified" or centralized regulation of industry has long been a goal of
statists who favor regulatory dictatorship as opposed to a governmental
regime that delegates "too much" regulatory power. Gordon himself bemoans
the "conflicting" regulations on the banking industry that have been imposed
by the Fed, and the FDIC, FSLIC, SEC, and other federal regulators.
 <http://www.mises.org/store/Hamiltons-Curse-P534.aspx>
The system of financial regulatory dictatorship that Gordon praises, and
which is about to be forced down the throats of the American public, has
been tried before in other countries. During one of its own periodic
financial crises, Italian government officials complained bitterly, as
Gordon does, of regulation that has been "disorganic" and "case by case, as
the need arises." The Italian regime altered its regulatory system so that
it could pursue "certain fixed objectives," just as Gordon argues for a
"unified and coherent regulatory system." This highly centralized or even
dictatorial regulatory system, the Italians argued, would supposedly
"introduce order in the economic field" and achieve the goal of "unity of
aim" with regard to government regulation of industry.
All of the words in quotation marks in the preceding paragraph, except for
the last ones, are the words of Benito Mussolini. The "unity of aim" phrase
was from Mussolini apologist/propagandist Fausto Pitigliani. There is, after
all, a very keen similarity between Hamiltonian mercantilism — or an economy
directed and controlled by government, supposedly "in the public interest"
but in reality for the benefit of a privileged few — and the economic
fascism of Italy (and Germany) of the 1920s and '30s.
[VIEW THIS ARTICLE ONLINE] <http://mises.org/story/3161>
 _________________________
Thomas DiLorenzo is professor of economics at Loyola College and a member of
the senior faculty of the Mises Institute. Comment on the
blog<http://blog.mises.org/>
.
An earlier version of this article ran on LewRockwell.com.
 *Join the Mises Institute* <https://www.mises.org/donate.asp>* **Mises.org
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