http://www.acton.org/pub/commentary/2015/10/27/why-left-keeps-winning


Why the Left Keeps Winning

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October 27, 2015

by Samuel Gregg <http://www.acton.org/about/staff/samuel-gregg>

Whether it’s the rise to national prominence of Vermont’s self-described
democratic socialist senator Bernie Sanders, the election of a
beyond-stereotypical 1970s sandal-wearing bearded-lefty, Jeremy Corbyn, as
British Labour leader, polls
<https://today.yougov.com/news/2015/05/11/one-third-millennials-like-socialism/>
estimating that 36 percent of Americans millennials have positive views of
socialism, the breakthrough into mainstream politics by left-wing parties
such as Syriza in Greece, the Scottish Nationalists in Britain, and Podemos
in Spain, or New York Mayor Bill de Blasio’s latest social engineering
programs
<http://nypost.com/2015/10/10/de-blasios-plan-to-socially-engineer-cultural-groups/>,
it’s hard to deny that the left seems emboldened throughout much of the
West today.

Less attention, however, has been directed to considering how this has all
come to pass. Part of the answer concerns relatively recent events—but only
part. Much of it also reflects long-term developments to which some
conservatives are either inattentive or prefer to ignore.

One of the recent happenings is the 2008 Great Recession. Whatever the
facts, many people associate it with capitalism rather than bad government
policies. That’s inclined many people to negative views of free markets.
Then there’s the related issue of economic insecurity. Millennials emerging
from universities are not only loaded down with student-debt and
increasingly uncompetitive degrees. In some cases, they confront unsettled
job-markets, especially in Western Europe. Given that many have also been
thoroughly immersed in liberal-left ideas for at least three years, we
shouldn’t be perplexed that they start viewing socialist solutions as
attractive alternatives.

These contemporary problems, however, mask the impact of deeper trends that
are sustaining and bolstering the left over the long-term. And, as
unwilling as some conservatives are to accept it, few of these are amenable
to quick fixes, let alone another social media campaign. Here are just
three of the more prominent forces at work.

One abiding cause of the left’s on-going ascendency, I’d suggest, is that
the visible weakening of orthodox religion throughout the West. As the 20th
century Jesuit theologian Henri de Lubac observed, liberalized forms of
Judaism and Christianity don’t involve abandonment of a desire for the
transcendent. Man, he claimed, remains *homo religiosus*. The yearning for
the eschaton subsequently gets channeled by liberal religion into the
pursuit of this-worldly commitments.

The briefest of glances at the mission statements of many liberal
synagogues, churches, and religious orders illustrates just how focused
they are on endless activism for name-your-fashionable-cause. Equally
revealing is how they gloss over important truths about the human condition
repeatedly underscored in the Hebrew and Christian Scriptures, such as the
folly of seeking heaven-on-earth.

But why settle for this halfway-house when you can opt for the real
thing—full-blown secular utopianism —whether it’s socialism, transhumanism,
neo-pagan environmentalism, or seeking virtual immortality by trying to
find ways to upload yourself onto the internet? In this light, it’s hardly
surprising that churches in countries like Germany are museums, while many
secularized Jews and nominal Christians in America have invested all their
religious instincts into a commitment to realizing social justice *à la*
John Rawls.

Related to this is a second enduring dynamic that’s boosting the left’s
forward-march, and which is perhaps even less curable by policy-changes. It
is, in a word, democracy.

By this, I don’t mean the formal participation of increasing numbers of
citizens in the process of decision-making. Sometimes that’s a good thing.
Rather, I have in mind what the French philosopher Alexis de Tocqueville
identified as *the* force that underpins democracy’s emergence: the passion
for equality.

It’s often said that the right takes the side of liberty while the left
favors equality. That’s not quite right. Conservatives are—or should
be—attached to the principle of the equality of all before the law,
something many left-liberals disparage as merely formal equality that
disguises deeper inequities. Likewise, the left can’t stop talking about
autonomy when it comes to issues such as euthanasia. Generally, however,
insistence upon greater equality—not just economic equality, but also
genetic equality, marriage equality, species-equality, whatever-equality—is
the left’s preserve.

In *Democracy in America*, Tocqueville stresses the difficulty of limiting
democracy’s levelling effects to the widening of political participation.
The quest for equality-as-sameness spills over, Tocqueville noted, into
other spheres. This manifests itself in increasingly hostile attitudes
towards the wealthy, but also negative views of genuine (i.e., non-de
Blasio-mandated) pluralism.

For all their talk about diversity, the left isn’t generally interested in
non-left opinions. In fact, they tend to demonize them. Try suggesting, for
example, to a group of New York liberals that Paul Krugman’s
policy-preferences are open to serious critique, or to San Francisco
legislators that rent-control generally hurts the poor. I guarantee that it
won’t be long before they start suggesting that your motives for claiming
so are suspect.

In that sense, this desire for sameness-of-thought—a third powerful
long-term influence—reflects the hermeneutics of suspicion that’s been
part-and-parcel of left-wing thought at least since Marx. Tocqueville,
however, claimed that he knew of no country with “less independence of mind
and true freedom of discussion” than American democratic society.

This sounds strange to us. Isn’t freedom of speech treasured by many
Americans? But Tocqueville’s point is that the democratic craving for
equality-as-sameness can make “certain thoughts seem suddenly to disappear
from the memory of men” and bolsters a “censorship a thousand times more
powerful than that exercised by power.”

Consider, for instance, how many people keep insisting
<http://www.wsj.com/articles/SB10001424052702303281504579221933931268354>
that global poverty is increasing when the evidence indicates it’s actually
been diminishing <http://www.humanprogress.org/static/2579> for a long
time. The problem highlighted by Tocqueville is that when a viewpoint comes
to be held by large numbers of people in democratic societies, it
inexorably leads to many concluding that this opinion *ought* to be
accepted by everyone—no matter how wrong-headed it may be.

This trinity of (1) the powerful sway exerted by widely shared opinions in
democratic societies, (2) ever-increasing demands for equalizing conditions
in all spheres of the same societies, and (3) pervasive secular utopianism
creates a potent force for the left’s pursuit of its various agendas. It’s
also one that’s extremely difficult for conservatives to counter.
Certainly, the historical record isn’t kind to left-wing economic policies.
And we all know where dreams of heaven-on-earth take us. Nevertheless, the
left continues its steady march across much of the body-politic in the West.

Today, many conservatives focus upon responding to the left by seeking to
capture their language, make clever use of communications technologies,
develop emotionally compelling appeals, and win elections. Yes, some of
these things are important—sometimes very important. But they’re simply
insufficient if conservatives are going to seriously counter some of the
subterranean forces that, despite all the social and economic wreckage
created by the left for decades, keep propelling left-wing priorities to
the forefront of political discussion.

The long-term perspective *always* wins. The left *knows* this. They *act*
accordingly. Why *don’t* conservatives?




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