We've been round and round on this before ... 
---
yep ... he makes a stubborn mule seem cooperative.


On Tuesday, February 23, 2016 at 11:32:20 AM UTC-6, brine wrote:
>
> We've been round and round on this before ... I have always said all 
> unions should be civil and if your religion blesses it, then fine, but that 
> should not be recognized by the government. There are plenty of Christians 
> that accept same sex marriage.
>
> You need to get over the word marriage, the genie is out of the bottle and 
> won't go back in on that one!!!
>
> On Tue, Feb 23, 2016 at 11:58 AM, Keith In Tampa <[email protected] 
> <javascript:>> wrote:
>
> Then call it what it is!  A "Civil Union" and everyone could live happily 
> ever after!  But no.....The Militant Gay Agenda demanded that the term 
> "Marriage" be redefined!  
>
> Therein lies the problem Brine!
>
>
>
> On Tue, Feb 23, 2016 at 11:52 AM, Brian Bednarek <[email protected] 
> <javascript:>> wrote:
>
> Here is where we will forever disagree, it is NOT additional, it is 
> equal!!!
>
> On Tue, Feb 23, 2016 at 11:28 AM, Keith In Tampa <[email protected] 
> <javascript:>> wrote:
>
> There's no persecution of Gays Plain Ol'.  Right now, you have "Additional 
> Rights" and this is fundamentally wrong.  Because of your sexuality, you 
> have now claimed that you're entitled to: (1) Redefine the term "Marriage"; 
> and (2)  Based on who you choose to crawl in the sack with, "marry" a 
> person outside of the confines of what a marriage is.
>
> This is wrong, and it will be addressed soon.
>
>
>
> On Tue, Feb 23, 2016 at 8:40 AM, plainolamerican <[email protected] 
> <javascript:>> wrote:
>
> I do disagree with Plaino though as far as Sir Bernard is concerned, 
> sounds like a very decent human being to me.
> ---
> he sounds like a fucking You Norker barking like a dog to me ... and so 
> does Trump.
> Do you really want either of these men representing America?
>
> On Monday, February 22, 2016 at 7:55:24 PM UTC-6, pluto of brougham wrote:
>
> the U.S. Constitution clearly stated in Article VI 
> that federal elective and appointed officials “shall be bound by Oath or 
> Affirmation, to support this Constitution, but no religious Test shall 
> ever 
> be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust under the 
> United States.”
>
> Full marks to Plaino for that interesting essay, surely the above should 
> disqualify that woman who refused gay marriage licences from holding 
> a govt. post, as well as the judges on the high court bench to put aside 
> their religious beliefs in considering different cases, however, I 
> recognise that very few of us can be so totally dispassionate, unless we're 
> Vulcans of course.
>
> I do disagree with Plaino though as far as Sir Bernard is concerned, 
> sounds like a very decent human being to me.
>
> On Tue, Feb 23, 2016 at 6:01 AM, <[email protected]> wrote:
>
> [email protected] 
> <https://groups.google.com/forum/?utm_source=digest&utm_medium=email#!forum/politicalforum/topics>
>  Google 
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>  
>
>    - [grendelreport] Colonials 
>    
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>    - 5 Updates 
>    - [grendelreport] What If Iran's Guardian Council Managed U.S. 
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>    
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>    - 1 Update 
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> [grendelreport] Colonials 
> <http://groups.google.com/group/politicalforum/t/bf451f2b69b8bc43?utm_source=digest&utm_medium=email>
>  
> plainolamerican <[email protected]>: Feb 22 09:49AM -0800 
>
> but we do remember when they persecuted everyone with different religious 
> beliefs (or no beliefs at all).
>  
> On Monday, February 22, 2016 at 10:41:28 AM UTC-6, Travis wrote:
> Keith In Tampa <[email protected]>: Feb 22 01:21PM -0500 
>
> I will probably regret asking this, but who is it that you are alleging
> are, "They", and when did this allegedly happen?
>  
> ​
>  
> On Mon, Feb 22, 2016 at 12:49 PM, plainolamerican <[email protected]
> plainolamerican <[email protected]>: Feb 22 10:30AM -0800 
>
> America's True History of Religious ToleranceThe idea that the United 
> States has always been a bastion of religious freedom is reassuring—and 
> utterly at odds with the historical record.
>  
>  
> In the storybook version most of us learned in school, the Pilgrims came 
> to 
> America aboard the *Mayflower* in search of religious freedom in 1620. The 
> Puritans soon followed, for the same reason. Ever since these religious 
> dissidents arrived at their shining “city upon a hill,” as their governor 
> John Winthrop called it, millions from around the world have done the 
> same, 
> coming to an America where they found a welcome melting pot in which 
> everyone was free to practice his or her own faith.
>  
> The problem is that this tidy narrative is an American myth. The real 
> story 
> of religion in America’s past is an often awkward, frequently embarrassing 
> and occasionally bloody tale that most civics books and high-school texts 
> either paper over or shunt to the side. And much of the recent 
> conversation 
> about America’s ideal of religious freedom has paid lip service to this 
> comforting tableau.
>  
>  
> From the earliest arrival of Europeans on America’s shores, religion has 
> often been a cudgel, used to discriminate, suppress and even kill the 
> foreign, the “heretic” and the “unbeliever”—including the “heathen” 
> natives 
> already here. Moreover, while it is true that the vast majority of 
> early-generation Americans were Christian, the pitched battles between 
> various Protestant sects and, more explosively, between Protestants and 
> Catholics, present an unavoidable contradiction to the widely held notion 
> that America is a “Christian nation.”
>  
> First, a little overlooked history: the initial encounter between 
> Europeans 
> in the future United States came with the establishment of a Huguenot 
> (French Protestant) colony in 1564 at Fort Caroline (near modern 
> Jacksonville, Florida). More than half a century before the *Mayflower* 
> set 
> sail, French pilgrims had come to America in search of religious freedom.
>  
> The Spanish had other ideas. In 1565, they established a forward operating 
> base at St. Augustine and proceeded to wipe out the Fort Caroline colony. 
> The Spanish commander, Pedro Menéndez de Avilés, wrote to the Spanish King 
> Philip II that he had “hanged all those we had found in [Fort Caroline] 
> because...they were scattering the odious Lutheran doctrine in these 
> Provinces.” When hundreds of survivors of a shipwrecked French fleet 
> washed 
> up on the beaches of Florida, they were put to the sword, beside a river 
> the Spanish called Matanzas (“slaughters”). In other words, the first 
> encounter between European Christians in America ended in a blood bath.
>  
> The much-ballyhooed arrival of the Pilgrims and Puritans in New England in 
> the early 1600s was indeed a response to persecution that these religious 
> dissenters had experienced in England. But the Puritan fathers of the 
> Massachusetts Bay Colony did not countenance tolerance of opposing 
> religious views. Their “city upon a hill” was a theocracy that brooked no 
> dissent, religious or political.
>  
>  
> The most famous dissidents within the Puritan community, Roger Williams 
> and 
> Anne Hutchinson, were banished following disagreements over theology and 
> policy. From Puritan Boston’s earliest days, Catholics (“Papists”) were 
> anathema and were banned from the colonies, along with other non-Puritans. 
> Four Quakers were hanged in Boston between 1659 and 1661 for persistently 
> returning to the city to stand up for their beliefs.
>  
> Throughout the colonial era, Anglo-American antipathy toward 
> Catholics—especially French and Spanish Catholics—was pronounced and often 
> reflected in the sermons of such famous clerics as Cotton Mather and in 
> statutes that discriminated against Catholics in matters of property and 
> voting. Anti-Catholic feelings even contributed to the revolutionary mood 
> in America after King George III extended an olive branch to French 
> Catholics in Canada with the Quebec Act of 1774, which recognized their 
> religion.
>  
> When George Washington dispatched Benedict Arnold on a mission to court 
> French Canadians’ support for the American Revolution in 1775, he 
> cautioned 
> Arnold not to let their religion get in the way. “Prudence, policy and a 
> true Christian Spirit,” Washington advised, “will lead us to look with 
> compassion upon their errors, without insulting them.” (After Arnold 
> betrayed the American cause, he publicly cited America’s alliance with 
> Catholic France as one of his reasons for doing so.)
>  
> In newly independent America, there was a crazy quilt of state laws 
> regarding religion. In Massachusetts, only Christians were allowed to hold 
> public office, and Catholics were allowed to do so only after renouncing 
> papal authority. In 1777, New York State’s constitution banned Catholics 
> from public office (and would do so until 1806). In Maryland, Catholics 
> had 
> full civil rights, but Jews did not. Delaware required an oath affirming 
> belief in the Trinity. Several states, including Massachusetts and South 
> Carolina, had official, state-supported churches.
>  
> In 1779, as Virginia’s governor, Thomas Jefferson had drafted a bill that 
> guaranteed legal equality for citizens of all religions—including those of 
> no religion—in the state. It was around then that Jefferson famously 
> wrote, 
> “But it does me no injury for my neighbor to say there are twenty gods or 
> no God. It neither picks my pocket nor breaks my leg.” But Jefferson’s 
> plan 
> did not advance—until after Patrick (“Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death”) 
> Henry introduced a bill in 1784 calling for state support for “teachers of 
> the Christian religion.”
>  
> Future President James Madison stepped into the breach. In a carefully 
> argued essay titled “Memorial and Remonstrance Against Religious 
> Assessments,” the soon-to-be father of the Constitution eloquently laid 
> out 
> reasons why the state had no business supporting Christian instruction. 
> Signed by some 2,000 Virginians, Madison’s argument became a fundamental 
> piece of American political philosophy, a ringing endorsement of the 
> secular state that “should be as familiar to students of American history 
> as the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution,” as Susan Jacoby 
> has written in *Freethinkers*, her excellent history of American 
> secularism.
>  
> Among Madison’s 15 points was his declaration that “the Religion then of 
> every man must be left to the conviction and conscience of every...man to 
> exercise it as these may dictate. This right is in its nature an 
> inalienable right.”
>  
> Madison also made a point that any believer of any religion should 
> understand: that the government sanction of a religion was, in essence, a 
> threat to religion. “Who does not see,” he wrote, “that the same authority 
> which can establish Christianity, in exclusion of all other Religions, may 
> establish with the same ease any particular sect of Christians, in 
> exclusion of all other Sects?” Madison was writing from his memory of 
> Baptist ministers being arrested in his native Virginia.
>  
> As a Christian, Madison also noted that Christianity had spread in the 
> face 
> of persecution from worldly powers, not with their help. Christianity, he 
> contended, “disavows a dependence on the powers of this world...for it is 
> known that this Religion both existed and flourished, not only without the 
> support of human laws, but in spite of every opposition from them.”
>  
> Recognizing the idea of America as a refuge for the protester or rebel, 
> Madison also argued that Henry’s proposal was “a departure from that 
> generous policy, which offering an Asylum to the persecuted and oppressed 
> of every Nation and Religion, promised a lustre to our country.”
>  
> After long debate, Patrick Henry’s bill was defeated, with the opposition 
> outnumbering supporters 12 to 1. Instead, the Virginia legislature took up 
> Jefferson’s plan for the separation of church and state. In 1786, the 
> Virginia Act for Establishing Religious Freedom, modified somewhat from 
> Jefferson’s original draft, became law. The act is one of three 
> accomplishments Jefferson included on his tombstone, along with writing 
> the 
> Declaration and founding the University of Virginia. (He omitted his 
> presidency of the United States.) After the bill was passed, Jefferson 
> proudly wrote that the law “meant to comprehend, within the mantle of its 
> protection, the Jew, the Gentile, the Christian and the Mahometan, the 
> Hindoo and Infidel of every denomination.”
>  
> Madison wanted Jefferson’s view to become the law of the land when he went 
> to the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia in 1787. And as framed in 
> Philadelphia that year, the U.S. Constitution clearly stated in Article VI 
> that federal elective and appointed officials “shall be bound by Oath or 
> Affirmation, to support this Constitution, but no religious Test shall 
> ever 
> be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust under the 
> United States.”
>  
> This passage—along with the facts that the Constitution does not mention 
> God or a deity (except for a pro forma “year of our Lord” date) and that 
> its very first amendment forbids Congress from making laws that would 
> infringe of the free exercise of religion—attests to the founders’ resolve 
> that America be a secular republic. The men who fought the Revolution may 
> have thanked Providence and attended church regularly—or not. But they 
> also 
> fought a war against a country in which the head of state was the head of 
> the church. Knowing well the history of religious warfare that led to 
> America’s settlement, they clearly understood both the dangers of that 
> system and of sectarian conflict.
>  
> It was the recognition of that divisive past by the founders—notably 
> Washington, Jefferson, Adams and Madison—that secured America as a secular 
> republic. As president, Washington wrote in 1790: “All possess alike 
> liberty of conscience and immunity of citizenship. ...For happily the 
> Government of the United States, which gives to bigotry no sanction, to 
> persecution no assistance requires only that they who live under its 
> protection should demean themselves as good citizens.”
>  
> He was addressing the members of America’s oldest synagogue, the Touro 
> Synagogue in Newport, Rhode Island (where his letter is read aloud every 
> August). In closing, he wrote specifically to the Jews a phrase that 
> applies to Muslims as well: “May the children of the Stock of Abraham, who 
> dwell in this land, continue to merit and enjoy the good will of the other 
> inhabitants, while every one shall sit in safety under his own vine and 
> figtree, and there shall be none to make him afraid.”
>  
> As for Adams and Jefferson, they would disagree vehemently over policy, 
> but 
> on the question of religious freedom they were united. “In their 
> seventies,” Jacoby writes, “with a friendship that had survived serious 
> political conflicts, Adams and Jefferson could look back with satisfaction 
> on what they both considered their greatest achievement—their role in 
> establishing a secular government whose legislators would never be 
> required, or permitted, to rule on the legality of theological views.”
>  
> Late in his life, James Madison wrote a letter summarizing his views: “And 
> I have no doubt that every new example, will succeed, as every past one 
> has 
> done, in shewing that religion & Govt. will both exist in greater purity, 
> the less they are mixed together.”
>  
> While some of America’s early leaders were models of virtuous tolerance, 
> American attitudes were slow to change. The anti-Catholicism of America’s 
> Calvinist past found new voice in the 19th century. The belief widely held 
> and preached by some of the most prominent ministers in America was that 
> Catholics would, if permitted, turn America over to the pope. 
> Anti-Catholic 
> venom was part of the typical American school day, along with Bible 
> readings. In Massachusetts, a convent—coincidentally near the site of the 
> Bunker Hill Monument—was burned to the ground in 1834 by an anti-Catholic 
> mob incited by reports that young women were being abused in the convent 
> school. In Philadelphia, the City of Brotherly Love, anti-Catholic 
> sentiment, combined with the country’s anti-immigrant mood, fueled the 
> Bible Riots of 1844, in which houses were torched, two Catholic churches 
> were destroyed and at least 20 people were killed.
>  
> At about the same time, Joseph Smith founded a new American religion—and 
> soon met with the wrath of the mainstream Protestant majority. In 1832, a 
> mob tarred and feathered him, marking the beginning of a long battle 
> between Christian America and Smith’s Mormonism. In October 1838, after a 
> series of conflicts over land and religious tension, Missouri Governor 
> Lilburn Boggs ordered that all Mormons be expelled from his state. Three 
> days later, rogue militiamen massacred 17 church members, including 
> children, at the Mormon settlement of Haun’s Mill. In 1844, a mob murdered 
> Joseph Smith and his brother Hyrum while they were jailed in Carthage, 
> Illinois. No one was ever convicted of the crime.
>  
> Even as late as 1960, Catholic presidential candidate John F. Kennedy felt 
> compelled to make a major speech declaring that his loyalty was to 
> America, 
> not the pope. (And as recently as the 2008 Republican primary campaign, 
> Mormon candidate Mitt Romney felt compelled to address the suspicions 
> still 
> directed toward the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.) Of 
> course, America’s anti-Semitism was practiced institutionally as well as 
> socially for decades. With the great threat of “godless” Communism looming 
> in the 1950s, the country’s fear of atheism also reached new heights.
>  
> America can still be, as Madison perceived the nation in 1785, “an Asylum 
> to the persecuted and oppressed of every Nation and Religion.” But 
> recognizing that deep religious discord has been part of America’s social 
> DNA is a healthy and necessary step. When we acknowledge that dark past, 
> perhaps the nation will return to that “promised...lustre” of which 
> Madison 
> so grandiloquently wrote.
>  
> *Kenneth C. Davis* is the author of *Don’t Know Much About History* and *A 
> Nation Rising*, among other books.
>  
>  
>  
> Read more: 
>
> http://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/americas-true-history-of-religious-tolerance-61312684/#70lZu2DqhQhfYm66.99
> Give the gift of Smithsonian magazine for only $12! http://bit.ly/1cGUiGv
> Follow us: @SmithsonianMag on Twitter
>  
> On Monday, February 22, 2016 at 12:21:51 PM UTC-6, KeithInTampa wrote:
> Keith In Tampa <[email protected]>: Feb 22 01:42PM -0500 
>
> So your little abridged historical story pretty much buttresses what I was
> thinking: In general, we are a tolerant accepting culture founded upon
> Christian principles and tenets, and accepting of all who want to be a part
> and parcel of this society.
>  
> You should probably read your little abridged historical story, it would be
> a good thing.
>  
>  
>  
> On Mon, Feb 22, 2016 at 1:30 PM, plainolamerican <[email protected]>
> wrote:
>  
> plainolamerican <[email protected]>: Feb 22 10:57AM -0800 
>
> So your little abridged historical story pretty much buttresses what I was 
> thinking: In general, we are a tolerant accepting culture founded upon 
> Christian principles and tenets, and accepting of all who want to be a 
> part 
> and parcel of this society.
> ---
> history says otherwise ... can't you read, lawyerboy?
> Jefferson and Madison put religious myth believing asshole like you in 
> their place.
> take your religious persecution to israel or iran where it will be 
> appreciated.
>  
> On Monday, February 22, 2016 at 12:42:44 PM UTC-6, KeithInTampa wrote:
> Back to top 
> <#CADyYBpeTONPnN8miWvYPfrhj_s97E0SkQgR28yqeYhy+rkChuQ@mail.gmail.com_-928372916_1412666292_985604885_872959532_CAJrTEUC=WfTrmJyWJcxDgJRfoadydMDNOnTC0JF1U+G7u_ciBA@mail.gmail.com_-1150173010_digest_top>
>  
> [grendelreport] What If Iran's Guardian Council Managed U.S. Elections? 
> <http://groups.google.com/group/politicalforum/t/42cd656023cd9bf2?utm_source=digest&utm_medium=email>
>  
> Keith In Tampa <[email protected]>: Feb 22 12:21PM -0500 
>
> Most Progressives like Plain Ol" conveniently "Forget" the USSR's
> involvement in the region, and what was the causation of the United States
> involvement.
>  
> Not that Plain Ol's post has anything remotely to do with the initial post,
> but it's "*Typical*":
>  
>  
>  
>
> https://www.gilderlehrman.org/history-by-era/age-reagan/essays/iran-and-united-states-cold-war
>  
> Both of these circumstances—Iran’s location between the USSR and the
> Persian Gulf, and the presence of major oil reserves—guaranteed the
> country’s importance during the Cold War. In addition, a third factor came
> into play: the emergence, even before the end of World War II, of the
> global military and ideological competition between the United States and
> the Soviet Union. Fear of losing influence in a vital part of the world to
> Soviet-led Communism motivated much of American foreign policy for the next
> several decades. American sentiment about competition and democracy was
> spelled out, sometimes in almost Biblical terms, in conceptual documents
> like NSC-68 and in numerous policy papers over the years.
>  
> In two key incidents in Iran from the post-war period these precepts were
> plainly evident, and produced consequences for the United States that were
> in some ways utterly unanticipated. At other moments later in the Cold War,
> described further below, Washington’s fixation on the Soviet threat left it
> unprepared to deal with crises of local origin that were equally
> significant for America’s standing in the region.
>  
> The first of these earlier episodes unfolded at the end of the Second World
> War when the USSR threatened to abrogate its agreement with Britain and
> Iran to remove its large troop presence from Iran’s northern province of
> Azerbaijan within six months of the cessation of hostilities. Anxious to
> gain an oil concession that would balance Britain’s privileged access in
> the south of the country, as well as to create a buffer zone in a
> vulnerable border region, Joseph Stalin planned to solidify Soviet
> influence in the southern Caucasus region—perhaps even to annex part of
> Azerbaijan province, according to Soviet archival records—but met
> surprising resistance from President Harry Truman, who gave a range of
> support to the young Shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. Stalin ultimately
> decided to withdraw from the country in late 1946. The actions of the
> United States were seen as a sign of genuine respect for the rights of
> sovereign states—highly unusual for a major power—and made a powerful
> impression on the Iranian people. To this day, the Azerbaijan crisis
> accounts for some of the positive views many still have of the United
> States.
>  
> Less than a decade later, however, a second major incident dramatically
> changed many Iranians’ opinion of the United States. In 1951, Iran’s
> recently elected prime minister, Mohammed Mosaddeq, nationalized the
> country’s petroleum industry, long the domain of the British-dominated
> Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC). The move pitted the two governments
> against each other in a bitter political fight, leaving the United States
> once again to play the intermediary. But while the Truman administration
> had tried to work with both sides, President Dwight Eisenhower and his
> advisers quickly concluded that Mosaddeq represented the problem rather
> than the solution to the crisis. Based strictly on Cold War calculations,
> Eisenhower authorized a preemptive covert operation to oust Mosaddeq before
> Moscow might have an opportunity to do so. The coup in August 1953 was
> carried out at US and British instigation but relied on a variety of
> Iranian groups and individuals for its eventual success.
>  
> The overthrow achieved the immediate objective of restoring to the throne
> the Shah, who had fled the country during the turmoil, and replacing
> Mosaddeq with a more amenable figure. For the next twenty-five years,
> Mohammad Reza Shah remained in power and made significant contributions to
> the interests of his superpower patron. But even though the coup had had
> the support of significant segments of Iranian society at the time, it came
> to be seen by many Iranians as a sea change in American conduct—from
> munificent protector of smaller countries to archetypal great power
> pursuing its own interests regardless of the wishes of local populations.
> This view of the United States gained currency inside Iran over the course
> of the Shah’s reign as he proceeded to exercise more and more arbitrary and
> dictatorial power at the expense of his subjects with little visible effort
> at restraint from Washington. In fact, Presidents Eisenhower, Kennedy, and
> Johnson did press the Shah repeatedly to enact reforms, but that strategy
> effectively ended with the assertion of the Nixon Doctrine in 1969.
> Reflecting the heavy strain on American military resources caused by the
> Vietnam War, the new doctrine relied on regional powers to act as the first
> line of defense against potential Soviet expansionism. For the next several
> years, the Shah not only gained access to sophisticated American weaponry
> he had long coveted, but also obtained tacit White House permission to
> forgo any serious effort at reform.
>  
> By the 1970s, conditions inside Iran that were purely local in origin—with
> no connection to the Cold War—had begun to emerge that the United States
> was ill-equipped to address. Internal resentment against the Shah’s
> political and economic policies was building to a peak (and extending to
> his US sponsors), but the depth of the problem escaped the notice of
> American decision-makers. Led by Ayatollah Khomeini, a fierce public critic
> of Iran’s reliance on American backing who had been exiled for years for
> his views, Iran’s growing anti-Shah sentiments burst into open revolution
> in 1978–1979. After Khomeini’s triumphant return to Iran in early 1979 it
> was only a matter of months before the revolution gelled in the form of a
> theocratic state, not surprisingly characterized by significant
> anti-American overtones.
>  
> In the context of the Cold War, the revolution appeared to many Americans
> to signify the “loss” of Iran to Soviet influence, a loss that was
> magnified by the USSR’s invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979. In fact,
> Moscow was never able to gain a foothold in Iran because of the Islamic
> Republic’s deep suspicion of Russia’s history of aggressive behavior and
> the religious leadership’s antipathy for official Soviet atheism. This did
> not necessarily bode well for Washington, however. Instead, it was a sign
> of the rise of another factor in international politics that would have
> implications beyond the Cold War: Moslem fundamentalism, which not only
> incorporated the concept of national sovereignty (captured in the phrase
> “neither East nor West”) but was animated at its core by the ambition of
> creating a theocratic state and spreading Islam across the region.
>  
> Hand in hand with the revolution came another event with momentous
> implications for US-Iran relations: the storming of the US embassy in
> Tehran and the seizure of American hostages in November 1979. Iranian
> accounts indicate that the country’s leadership was initially unaware of
> the student-led plan to assault the embassy (which the students claimed was
> a response to years of perceived US 
>
> ...

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