But let's not forget who it is that Plain O' most closely identifies with
 and supports:


---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: plainolamerican <[email protected]>
Date: Mon, Feb 8, 2016 at 1:02 PM
Subject: Re: Your 2016 Presidential Picks
To: PoliticalForum <[email protected]>


Candidates you side with...

89%
[image: Hillary Clinton]Hillary Clinton  Democratic

on economic, domestic policy, healthcare, social, education, and
environmental issues.
compare answers
<http://www.isidewith.com/elections/2016-presidential/1840736686:801556209>

82%
[image: Bernie Sanders]Bernie Sanders  Democratic

on environmental, domestic policy, healthcare, social, and economic issues.
compare answers
<http://www.isidewith.com/elections/2016-presidential/1840736686:801556211>

61%
[image: John Kasich]John Kasich  Republican

on environmental and electoral issues.
compare answers
<http://www.isidewith.com/elections/2016-presidential/1840736686:585676237>

56%
<http://www.isidewith.com/elections/2016-presidential/1840736686:801556201>
[image: Jeb Bush]
<http://www.isidewith.com/elections/2016-presidential/1840736686:801556201>Jeb
Bush  Republican
<http://www.isidewith.com/elections/2016-presidential/1840736686:801556201>

on healthcare, immigration, and criminal issues.
compare answers
<http://www.isidewith.com/elections/2016-presidential/1840736686:801556201>




On Fri, Jul 8, 2016 at 11:33 AM, plainolamerican <[email protected]>
wrote:

> the problem with Hillary is that she is just as big a socialist as Bernie
> Sanders is
> ---
> she's also a zionist who will sacrifice American interest for israel.
>
>
> 172
> shares
>
> <http://www.facebook.com/sharer.php?u=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.commentarymagazine.com%2Farticles%2Fgop-went-zionist%2F>
> <http://twitter.com/home?status=How+the+GOP+Went+Zionist%20-%20https%3A%2F%2Fwww.commentarymagazine.com%2Farticles%2Fgop-went-zionist%2F>
> <http://plus.google.com/share?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.commentarymagazine.com%2Farticles%2Fgop-went-zionist%2F>
> <%20?subject=An%20article%20I%20thought%20you%27d%20find%20interesting&body=Here%20it%20is,%20on%20Commentary%20Magazine:%20https%3A%2F%2Fwww.commentarymagazine.com%2Farticles%2Fgop-went-zionist%2F>
> A
> T
> he movement to isolate Israel may be in full swing on college campuses
> across the country, and Israel may be the subject of ever-louder
> international denunciations, but when it comes to a Republican Party riven
> by squabbles, the Jewish state has become a unifying glue. Support for
> Israel is all but unanimous among the party’s politicians in Washington,
> and in the presidential race, candidates vie to outdo one another when it
> comes to expressing their commitment to it; even the isolationist
> presidential candidate Rand Paul has gone to great pains to attempt to
> establish his pro-Israel bona fides.
>
> It was not ever thus. Indeed, the emergence of the GOP as the nation’s
> pro-Israel voice is an odd and fascinating element in the modern political
> history of the United States. For the first 45 years of Israel’s existence,
> the Republican Party was deeply divided when it came to the Middle East.
> Powerful forces inside the GOP had long been at best uncomfortable with
> Israel and at worst openly hostile. Those forces included big businessmen
> and oilmen with deep connections and interests in Arab lands and so-called
> foreign-policy realists who did not see why the U.S. should maintain a
> special relationship with a tiny, economically negligible country
> surrounded by 22 Arab nations that wished it would disappear.
>
> Old-line country-club anti-Semites played their part, as did a certain
> camp among America’s anti-Communists, for whom Israel was suspect in large
> measure because it called itself socialist and because Marx and Trotsky had
> both been Jews.
> As a practical political matter, there were few discernible electoral
> incentives for the GOP to support Israel, given that the Jewish community
> was so completely in the Democratic camp (save for many progressive Jews in
> the Northeast, such as Senator Jacob Javits of New York, who were members
> of the Republican Party because they loathed the role Southern
> segregationists played in the Democratic electoral coalition).
>
> Richard Nixon served as Eisenhower’s vice president and shared Ike’s views
> on maintaining the balance of power in the Middle East. When he became
> president in 1969, he wanted his administration to serve as a corrective to
> what Nixon believed had been the Johnson administration’s tilt toward
> Israel. Nixon also had a fraught personal relationship with Jewry and
> Judaism.
>
> The first Republican to serve as president after Israel’s founding was
> Dwight David Eisenhower, elected in 1952. Eisenhower was put off by
> Israel’s democratic-socialist ideology. Additionally, its tiny size,
> martial weakness, and lack of strategic resources of any kind marked it as
> an irritant. Eisenhower believed that his predecessor, Harry Truman, had
> only supported the creation of the state because of political
> considerations—the 1948 Jewish vote—not strategic calculations. His view
> was that the United States needed to preserve friendly relations with Arab
> states to maintain access to oil reserves and to keep the Arabs from
> forging stronger ties with the Soviet Union, which had begun to advocate
> for the Arab world against Israel in international forums such as the
> United Nations during Eisenhower’s first term. When Israel, France, and
> Britain invaded the Sinai to reestablish Western control of the Suez Canal
> after its seizure by Egypt, Eisenhower reacted with rage and forced the
> coalition to withdraw.
>
> The nascent conservative movement had a similar perspective on Israel. In
> 1957, an unsigned *National Review* editorial noted the importance of
> “reaching a friendly understanding with the surrounding Arab world” and
> warned against “sacrificing America’s primary strategic interests to
> Zionist pressures at home.” The magazine insisted that Arabs “must be fully
> compensated for the economic and social consequences of the Jewish conquest
> of Palestine.” There was one hint of changes to come, where the editorial
> went on to say that “the Israeli government, to be sure, deserves to be
> congratulated on its hardheaded firmness in staring down the busybodies of
> the UN.” This was an early planting of a seed that would help to grow a new
> GOP foreign policy—one that would emerge both from the evolution of the
> party’s intellectuals and from its grassroots. But the seed would take
> decades to cultivate, as the party’s standard-bearers continued on in the
> Eisenhower vein.
>
> One of those standard-bearers was Richard Nixon. He had served as Ike’s
> vice president and shared Eisenhower’s views on maintaining the balance of
> power in the Middle East. When he became president in 1969, he wanted his
> administration to serve as a corrective to what Nixon believed had been the
> Johnson administration’s tilt toward Israel. Nixon also had a fraught
> personal relationship with Jewry and Judaism. On the one hand, he was the
> first president to appoint a Jewish national-security adviser, Henry
> Kissinger, who would also become the first Jewish secretary of state. But
> the private Nixon spoke freely in bigoted terms about Jews and enjoyed
> poking at Kissinger’s origins. Once, when Kissinger expressed his opinion
> on an issue related to the Middle East at a National Security Council
> meeting, Nixon called him out by asking, “Now can we get an American point
> of view?” In his memoir *White House Years*, Kissinger recounts how
> Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir called Nixon “an old friend of the Jewish
> people” and then notes wryly that this “was startling news to those of us
> familiar with Nixon’s ambivalences on that score.”
>
> And yet, when Israel faced an existential crisis during the 1973 Yom
> Kippur War, Nixon showed little ambivalence. He saved the Jewish state from
> a devastating defeat at the hands of the Egyptians, armed to the teeth with
> Soviet weaponry. Operation Nickel Grass provided Israel with more than
> 112,000 tons of supplies. Nixon knew he would be criticized over the
> airlift, and this understanding helped steel his resolve: “We are going to
> get blamed just as much for three planes as for three hundred.” When the
> airlift wasn’t moving fast enough, he ordered his generals to “use every
> [plane] we have—everything that will fly.”
>
> Nixon’s decision to arm Israel in the 1973 war would have long-standing
> repercussions. One consequence was the oil embargo initiated by the Arab
> states in 1973, an economically devastating move—and one that convinced
> ordinary Americans who had to cope with the tripling of energy costs that
> the Arab states were hostile entities that deserved to be confronted rather
> than appeased, as the foreign-policy panjandrums of both parties had long
> asserted. Decades of American evenhandedness had failed to stay OPEC’s
> intimidation. Perhaps a different approach might prove more valid in the
> future.
>
> The war further clarified for the American people where the various Middle
> East players stood when it came to the Cold War. The Soviet Union had made
> it unmistakably evident that it was Israel’s enemy just as it was the enemy
> of the United States. And the war marked a turning point in Israel’s
> relation with the United States at a strategic level as well. Israel not
> only proved proficient at destroying Soviet weaponry used against it by
> Egypt and Syria, it also shared captured Soviet weapons, including the T-62
> battle tank, with the United States. This was an intelligence coup for the
> U.S. military, and it demonstrated that oil was not the only strategic
> asset available to the United States in
> the Middle East. Israel, too, was an asset.
>
> Around this time, there was an emerging realization among some key
> foreign-policy thinkers that a coalition of Third World nations and Soviet
> allies was treating the U.S. as a punching bag at the United Nations. This
> was given full voice in Daniel Patrick Moynihan’s seminal 1975 Commentary
> essay, “The United States in Opposition.” Moynihan’s response to the
> rhetorical onslaught against the United States was simple: America should
> fight back. The essay led to his appointment by President Gerald Ford as
> U.S. ambassador to the UN in 1975 and 1976. And the most notable moment of
> Moynihan’s tenure came when he joined with Israel against the UN’s
> Orwellian declaration of Zionism as racism.
>
> Taking tough stands against Third World and Soviet critiques of the West
> put Israel and the United States on the same side and helped shake the
> longstanding view that America’s strategic interests required taking the
> Arab view of the Arab–Israeli conflict. Ironically, Moynihan’s actions
> would have their most lasting impact not on his own Democratic Party but on
> the GOP. As my brother Gil Troy put it in his history of Moynihan’s fight
> against the anti-Zionism resolution, “Moynihan’s stand against Soviet and
> Third World bullying in the United Nations helped inspire [Ronald] Reagan’s
> more aggressive approach there” in the 1980s.
>
> The same would prove true about the influence of another hawkish Democrat,
> Senator Henry “Scoop” Jackson. Many of his aides—including Elliott Abrams,
> Douglas Feith, Richard Perle, and Paul Wolfowitz—shared his perspective,
> and it was in Jackson’s offices that the emerging “neoconservative” foreign
> policy was first laid out in Washington. Israel was not Jackson’s primary
> foreign-policy interest. Rather, his top priority was a strong U.S. stance
> against Soviet aggression. And because he believed the Nixon-Kissinger
> policy of détente was a capitulation, he pressed for increased involvement
> of Congress in international relations to counter the administration’s
> appeasement; his greatest success came with the passage of the
> Jackson-Vanik amendment, which linked U.S-Soviet trade to Soviet
> human-rights policy, particularly as regarded oppressed Soviet Jews who
> wished to emigrate.
>
> Jackson-Vanik was a landmark because it heralded a new era in which
> Congress would take a more active hand in the making and implementation of
> U.S. foreign policy. The rise of congressional independence in foreign
> policy meant that an individual member’s views on these matters became more
> relevant, tactically and strategically, and on Israel in particular.
>
> Pro-Israel lobbying groups such as AIPAC began focusing more effort on
> lobbying Congress, too. Lobbying is not just about applying pressure and
> raising money; successful lobbyists attempt to make the case to those to
> whom they appeal that the vote is right and just and will benefit them,
> their districts, and the country in general. AIPAC’s new focus on Capitol
> Hill was in part educational. Trips to Israel for members and their staffs
> became routine. The effort was extraordinarily successful. Aid to Israel
> became regularized. That began with the signing of the Camp David accords
> when the United States began to supply Israel with money it had lost from
> giving back the Sinai oil fields Israel had captured in the Six-Day War.
> Later, in 1985, U.S. military aid to Israel was converted from loans to
> grants; and an earmark for purchasing military equipment became part of the
> annual foreign-aid appropriation shortly afterward.
>
> Outside of Washington, another important trend emerged in the 1970s that
> would have a far-reaching impact on the GOP’s realignment with Israel: the
> rise of the evangelical vote. Staunch evangelical support for Israel meant
> that it was no longer mainly Jewish voters who cared where politicians
> stood. As these voters moved in large numbers to the Republican Party,
> beginning with the election in 1980, these pro-Israel Christians started to
> emerge as the largest and most important segment of the GOP base.
> Republican politicians started to take notice.
>
> Then–Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin also took notice, and took
> steps to encourage the burgeoning evangelical support of Israel. In 1981,
> Begin spoke to a gathering of 3,000 evangelical Christians in Jerusalem and
> issued a medal to Moral Majority leader Jerry Falwell. After Israel bombed
> Iraq’s Osirak nuclear reactor, Begin even called Falwell to explain
> Israel’s reasoning.
>
> Begin stood in stark contrast to American Jewish leaders, such as Rabbi
> Alexander Schindler of the Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish
> Organizations, who told the *New York Times* in 1981 that he thought it
> “madness and suicide if Jews honor for their support of Israel right-wing
> evangelists who constitute a danger to the Jews of the United States.”
> Begin was also willing to work on less enlightened evangelicals such as
> Bailey Smith. After Smith notoriously said that “God Almighty does not hear
> the prayer of a Jew,” Begin met with him in Israel and helped turn him
> around, politically if not theologically. When asked about his work with
> evangelicals like Smith and Falwell, Begin aide Yehuda Avner said: “Israel
> will not turn aside a hand stretched out by a friend in support of Israel’s
> just cause. Jerry Falwell is one of the most vigorous and outspoken friends
> of Israel. We will not turn aside that hand of friendship.”
>
> It was not only conservative clergy who would be converted to the
> pro-Israel cause, but conservative legislators as well. The most important
> example was the evolution of North Carolina Senator Jesse Helms. Helms was
> openly hostile to Israel for his first decade or so in the Senate, and was
> targeted for defeat by Jewish groups in a 1984 Senate reelection bid that
> he survived only by the skin of his teeth. The next year, AIPAC helped
> arrange a trip to Israel for Helms and his wife; Helms himself indicated
> that the trip was life-changing (though surely his near-death experience
> with voters had had a clarifying effect as well). Helms would go on to
> chair from 1995 to 2001 the Senate’s Foreign Relations Committee, where he
> would actively legislate on Israel’s behalf.
>
> Helms’s shift represented the confluence of forces that were remaking the
> Republican Party. The growing evangelical support for Israel had its
> greatest impact in the South, fast becoming the GOP’s stronghold. And it
> coincided with Ronald Reagan’s eloquence in support of the Jewish state.
> Reagan did not see eye to eye with the Israelis on every issue; he approved
> the sale of AWACS radar planes to Saudi Arabia in 1981, criticized the
> Osirak attack, and was not supportive of Israel’s invasion of Lebanon in
> 1982. But Reagan spoke and thought of Israel in a manner new to American
> presidents. He saw that Israel was a strategic asset to the United States
> in the struggle against totalitarianism. Reagan recognized the alignment
> not only of interests but foundational Judeo-Christian beliefs: “Israel
> represents the one stable democracy sharing values with us in that part of
> the world,” he said.
>
> He took the historic step of formalizing military cooperation between the
> United States and Israel. This strategic redefinition of the relationship
> had a number of salutary long-term implications for both nations. First, it
> helped improve the Israeli military by giving Israel access to U.S.
> technology, training, and tactics. Linking the American and the Israeli
> militaries established a connection between the two nations that went
> beyond the political vagaries of elections. The Pentagon also began to
> recognize the strategic importance of maintaining its joint activities with
> Israel, which could field-test U.S. weapons, strengthen intelligence
> cooperation, and serve as a base for U.S. equipment in a hostile region.
>
> Reagan’s perspective was plain: Reward your friends and punish your
> enemies. Stand up to the USSR, hijackers, and petro-blackmailers, and stand
> with people who were on your side. In this context, it made perfect sense
> for Republicans to back Israel, even if you belonged to a country club,
> worked for an oil company, or were an armchair strategist who understood
> the magnitude by which Arabs outnumbered Israel in population.
>
> Congressional GOP support for Israel became even more marked in the 1990s
> after the GOP took over both Houses of Congress. The outspokenly pro-Israel
> Speaker Newt Gingrich set up a contrast on the Israel issue between himself
> and the Clinton administration, which was pressing Israel for territorial
> concessions in the name of peace deals.
>
> Following Reagan’s lead and influenced by the neoconservatives who had
> gravitated to the GOP, pro-Israel voices became more confident in
> expressing their view of the ties that bound the United States and the
> Jewish state—the same monotheistic roots, which disposed them to an
> appreciation for human dignity and self-determination, and a shared belief
> in a covenantal founding of both nations. This view helped the GOP
> establish an ideological framework for foreign policy beyond the binary
> question of Communist versus anti-Communist.
>
> None of this was seamless. Reagan was succeeded by George H.W. Bush,
> himself quite literally a Country Club Republican and oilman by birth and
> occupation and a foreign-policy realist by disposition. He famously
> complained about the Israel lobby, saying ludicrously that he, the
> president, was “one lonely guy” up against “some powerful political forces”
> made up of “a thousand lobbyists on the Hill.” His secretary of state,
> James Baker, was even worse, earning the wrong kind of immortality with his
> line, “F— the Jews, they don’t vote for us anyway.” Even as these attacks
> were going on, there were signs that Bush had already become an anachronism
> in a rapidly changing world—most notably the fact that the Baker line was
> leaked to the press by his disgusted fellow cabinet secretary Jack Kemp, a
> key figure in remaking the party as pro-Israel.
>
> But Bush’s brand of hostility was not the only anti-Israel tendency within
> the rapidly evolving American right. Open anti-Semitism reared its head as
> well, in the personages of the writers Patrick J. Buchanan (a protest
> candidate for president in 1992 and 1996) and Joseph Sobran. When Buchanan
> called Congress “Israeli-occupied territory,” he was not only giving foul
> voice to a classic anti-Semitic theme but was accurately reflecting the
> fact that by this point, anti-Israel sentiment on Capitol Hill had become a
> mark of extremism in both parties. More important, both Sobran and Buchanan
> received a very public cold shoulder from the mainstream conservative
> movement. William F. Buckley Jr. himself wrote a long indictment of his
> friend Sobran in *National Review* and consigned his and Buchanan’s brand
> of Jew-hatred to the margins of the conservative movement.
>
> Congressional GOP support for Israel became even more marked in the 1990s
> after the GOP took over both Houses of Congress. The outspokenly pro-Israel
> Speaker Newt Gingrich set up a contrast on the Israel issue between himself
> and the Clinton administration, which was pressing Israel for territorial
> concessions in the name of peace deals. In 1998, Gingrich visited Israel
> and was so expressive of his admiration and support for Prime Minister
> Benjamin Netanyahu that journalist David Makovsky called the trip a “love
> fest.” Palestinians noticed as well, and grumbled about what the* New
> York Times* characterized as “the lopsided support for Israel shown by
> Mr. Gingrich and the Congress.”
>
> Netanyahu would go on to play a key part in facilitating better relations
> between Israel and the GOP in another way as well. As prime minister in the
> 1990s and, more successfully, as finance minister from 2003 to 2005,
> Netanyahu embarked on a series of economic reforms that liberalized
> Israel’s previously socialistic and stagnant economy. Netanyahu made
> alterations in Israel’s welfare system, slashed government spending,
> privatized parts of the economy, and cut taxes. Unemployment and deficits
> went down, economic growth surged, and Israel developed its reputation as
> the high tech start-up nation. The reforms also opened the door to more
> support from the Republicans, as backing the Jewish state no longer meant
> having to apologize for propping up a socialist economy. Instead,
> Republicans could now tout a free-market Israeli economy, which was far
> more congruent with prevailing GOP economic theory.
> W
> hen the GOP took over the White House after Bill Clinton, the days of
> strategic ambiguity by GOP presidents toward Israel were long gone. George
> H.W. Bush and George W. Bush may have come from the same family, but they
> came from different Republican parties. The party that embraced the younger
> Bush was evangelically dominated, congressionally focused, and definitively
> pro-Israel. As Bush once told a Jewish leader: “The Saudis thought ‘this
> Texas oil guy was going to go against Israel’ and I told them you have the
> wrong guy.”
>
> As the story goes, when Bush went to Israel, then–Foreign Minister Ariel
> Sharon went out of his way to welcome the visiting governor, and Arafat
> gave Bush the runaround—after which he denounced Bush for refusing to meet
> with him. Sharon’s foresight would be rewarded, and Arafat’s
> shortsightedness would come back to haunt him. This became obvious during
> the Second Intifada, with Israel suffering from a barrage of
> Arafat-encouraged suicide attacks. At the time, America itself was
> recovering from the shock of 9/11, and the televised footage of
> Palestinians celebrating the attacks by handing out candy clarified issues
> in the minds of many Americans.
>
> Bush gave Sharon the leeway he needed to defend Israeli lives. Former
> White House Press Secretary Ari Fleischer tells an instructive story in
> this regard. Following one Palestinian attack, Fleischer handed Bush what
> he called “typical” talking points that called for “both sides to refrain
> from violence.” Bush looked at the talking points and responded, “No, don’t
> say that. Just say this: ‘Israel has a right to defend itself.’ ” According
> to Fleischer, Bush’s preferred response “sent shock waves through the
> bureaucracy,” which was used to deliberately evasive, morally nebulous
> suggestions of “even-handedness.”
>
> In Bush’s view, and as a result of a generational shift in the GOP, Israel
> was our ally and was going to be treated as such. To be sure, Bush
> continued to push for the so-called peace process, especially in his second
> term. But Bush’s effort, led by Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice,
> featured none of the vitriol that would characterize the Obama
> administration’s push for a negotiated settlement.
> T
> hus, the tale of the transformation of the GOP into an unambiguously,
> proudly, and solidly pro-Israel coalition, 80 percent of whose
> self-identified members now tell pollsters they support the Jewish state.
> In 2014, Joshua Muravchik wrote an important book, *Making David into
> Goliath*, an account of how Israel went from being a widely admired
> nation in 1967 to one of the most reviled. In Muravchik’s telling, this
> development was not accidental, but the result of strategic action by a
> number of actors—on the left, in the Arab world, and in Europe—to
> delegitimize and damage Israel. But while the Jewish state lost many allies
> during this period, it also gained an important and reliable friend. At the
> same time that the world was learning to hate Israel, the Republican Party
> was learning to love it.
>
>
> On Friday, July 8, 2016 at 7:07:52 AM UTC-5, MJ wrote:
>>
>>
>> July 8, 2016
>>
>> *The Problem With Hillary *By Thomas DiLorenzo
>>
>> The problem with Hillary Clinton as a presidential candidate is not that
>> she is a corrupt and dishonest politician, as her critics have charged.
>> No, the problem with Hillary is that she is just as big a socialist as
>> Bernie Sanders is.  “We’re going to take things away from you on behalf of
>> the common good,” she announced to a San Francisco audience in 2004,
>> echoing the *Communist Manifesto* mantra, “from each according to his
>> ability, to each according to his needs.”  “We must stop thinking of the
>> individual and start thinking about what is best for society,” she once
>> proclaimed as First Lady.  Such statements are a defining characteristic of
>> the socialist philosophy:  attacks on individualism in the name of the
>> “common good” of “society” – always defined and enforced *by politicians*,
>> never by society as a whole.  And like Sanders, she threatens “the rich”
>> with even more onerous taxes to be used to subsidize the working class
>> (“working families” in the neo-Marxist language of one of her television
>> ads).
>>
>> Hillary Clinton demonstrated her socialist credentials during the
>> Democratic primary debates with the proud, self-described socialist Bernie
>> Sanders.  Whenever Sanders would excite the audiences of Democrats with
>> Santa Claus-like promises of “free” healthcare, education, housing, welfare
>> payments, and much else, Hillary’s response was to agree with him,
>> promising to increase federal spending by more than $1 trillion over the
>> next ten years.  There was no disagreement over the principles of
>> socialism, only the details.
>>
>> A current fad among the socialists of Europe is to propose some kind of
>> “basic” government-defined income for the entire population.  Switzerland
>> just voted down this latest money-for-nothing scheme. Naturally, Hillary is
>> all on board with it, having proposed giving every baby born in America a
>> $5000 account that would be invested and given to the child upon reaching
>> the voting age of eighteen.  George McGovern proposed a similar, $1000
>> “demogrant” in 1972, which was dismissed and ridiculed as socialistic
>> nonsense and may well have caused him to lose the election to Richard Nixon.
>>
>> In other words, Hillary is just as much a socialist as Bernie Sanders,
>> only she doesn’t use the “S” word for marketing purposes.  She prefers
>> “progressive Democrat” instead, but that is not very convincing, even to
>> many of her supporters.  During a televised interview
>> <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aqq5q11uK0M> with Chris Mathews, she
>> was asked repeatedly what the difference was between a Democrat and a
>> socialist.  She refused to answer the question, implying to many that she
>> probably believes that there *is *no significant difference.
>>
>> In the early 1990s Hillary Clinton was the main architect of what came to
>> be known as “Hillarycare” – the Clinton administration plan to impose
>> Soviet-style central planning on America’s healthcare sector.  This gives
>> us great insight into her vision of the role of government in the economy,
>> and how she would like to see more and more American industries run – by
>> dictates issued by thousands of anonymous bureaucrats paid for by the
>> biggest tax increases in history and enforced by the heavy hand of the
>> state.
>>
>> Socialist central planning, as such, has always been a perfect recipe for
>> the impoverishment of entire societies while at the same time enriching and
>> empowering a small political ruling class elite. How else could the
>> thirty-five-year-old daughter of the late Hugo Chavez, the onetime
>> socialist ruler of Venezuela, become the wealthiest person in that country
>> with a reported net worth of over $4 billion?
>>
>> Hillarycare was a bureaucratic nightmare that would have forced most
>> Americans to cancel their health insurance and obtain it from a government
>> bureaucracy.  It would have forced everyone to purchase a full array of
>> government-defined benefits; it would have been managed from Washington by
>> a board of seven presidential appointees and thousands of bureaucrats;
>> access to physicians would have been restricted and controlled by
>> bureaucrats, not patients; and all outside insurance plans would have been
>> illegal.
>>
>> Price controls on everything from doctors’ salaries to MRI machines would
>> have caused pervasive shortages; the plan would have required massive tax
>> increases, mostly on the lower and middle classes, causing huge job losses
>> (600,000 in the first few years alone according to the Clinton
>> administration itself at the time); 59 new federal bureaucracies would have
>> been created with 20 others expanded; and hundreds of new regulatory
>> mandates would have been imposed on healthcare providers.
>>
>> Insurers would have been required to charge the same rates to everyone
>> regardless of age or health, making a mockery of the very word
>> “insurance.”  Costly employer mandates would have forced employers to lower
>> wages and benefits and/or lay off workers; and state governments would have
>> been forced to become “purchasing alliances” for the federal bureaucracy’s
>> central planning scheme.
>>
>> Members of Congress and all federal employees were to be exempted from
>> Hillarycare, however.  Only the little people (i.e., everyone else) were to
>> be corralled into socialized medicine.
>>
>> The bizarre thing about “Hillarycare” is that it was an absurdly
>> bureaucratic, Soviet-style central planning program that was promoted by
>> the Clintons barely three years after the final collapse of socialism in
>> the Soviet empire – a collapse caused primarily by the futility of
>> attempting to centrally plan an economy through government “planning”
>> instead of markets – just like “Hillarycare.”
>>
>> Perhaps “Obamacare,” which has resurrected parts of “Hillarycare,” has
>> been imposed on the American public because so much of it – primarily the
>> younger generation – is unaware of the grotesque failures of
>> twentieth-century socialism.  They should look at the current economic
>> implosion of Venezuela – the latest darling-of-the-Left  “socialist
>> paradise” – to learn some important lessons.
>>
>> https://www.lewrockwell.com/2016/07/thomas-dilorenzo/real-problem-hillary/
>>
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