​We've been over this and over this and over this......I'm not going to
address it anymore.   When you realize what the term "Zionism" means, and
what a Zionist is, and can create a post or even a comment within a post,
without trashing the Jews;  we'll all take note!



​

On Fri, Jul 8, 2016 at 12:44 PM, plainolamerican <[email protected]>
wrote:

> your Anti-Semitism; you obviously hate Jews
> ---
> your ignorance and accusation has been noted.
> when you learn the difference between a zionist and a jew get back to us
> ... until then keep fucking yourself, asshole republican.
>
> You're mindset and positions have radically changed in the last twelve to
> eighteen months.
> ---
> wrong again.
> I have been and will remain to be an independent ... free from the ills of
> republicans, democrats, and warmongering abrahamic myth believers like you.
>
> On Friday, July 8, 2016 at 11:26:25 AM UTC-5, KeithInTampa wrote:
>>
>> But your rhetoric, dogma, and most everything that you've written,
>> posted, stood for, align with, sound off about for the last year or so, are
>> the talking points right out of the "Secular Progressive/New World
>> Order/Marxist-Utopian/Democratic Party" playbook Plain Ol'!
>>
>> The only distinction is your Anti-Semitism; you obviously hate Jews,
>> (more than you do Traditionalists, Conservatives, Republicans, Christians,
>> or any other group that you seem to fear);   and as Perp and Ms. Navy will
>> see, (and as Bruce Majors,  MJ,  the Annointed One; and other long term
>> members can attest)  You're mindset and positions have radically changed in
>> the last twelve to eighteen months.
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>> On Fri, Jul 8, 2016 at 12:15 PM, plainolamerican <[email protected]>
>> wrote:
>>
>>> But let's not forget who it is that Plain O' most closely identifies
>>> with  and supports:
>>> ---
>>> wrong agian, zioboy.
>>> it was a fucked up poll ... and no, I do not and will not support
>>> Hillary ... the warmongering zionist pig or that you nork asshole Trump.
>>>
>>>
>>>
>>> On Friday, July 8, 2016 at 11:06:06 AM UTC-5, KeithInTampa wrote:
>>>>
>>>> But let's not forget who it is that Plain O' most closely identifies
>>>> with  and supports:
>>>>
>>>>
>>>> ---------- Forwarded message ----------
>>>> From: plainolamerican <[email protected]>
>>>> Date: Mon, Feb 8, 2016 at 1:02 PM
>>>> Subject: Re: Your 2016 Presidential Picks
>>>> To: PoliticalForum <[email protected]>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>> Candidates you side with...
>>>>
>>>> 89%
>>>> [image: Hillary Clinton]Hillary Clinton  Democratic
>>>>
>>>> on economic, domestic policy, healthcare, social, education, and
>>>> environmental issues.
>>>> compare answers
>>>>
>>>> <http://www.isidewith.com/elections/2016-presidential/1840736686:801556209>
>>>>
>>>> 82%
>>>> [image: Bernie Sanders]Bernie Sanders  Democratic
>>>>
>>>> on environmental, domestic policy, healthcare, social, and economic
>>>> issues.
>>>> compare answers
>>>>
>>>> <http://www.isidewith.com/elections/2016-presidential/1840736686:801556211>
>>>>
>>>> 61%
>>>> [image: John Kasich]John Kasich  Republican
>>>>
>>>> on environmental and electoral issues.
>>>> compare answers
>>>>
>>>> <http://www.isidewith.com/elections/2016-presidential/1840736686:585676237>
>>>>
>>>> 56%
>>>> <http://www.isidewith.com/elections/2016-presidential/1840736686:801556201>
>>>> [image: Jeb Bush]
>>>> <http://www.isidewith.com/elections/2016-presidential/1840736686:801556201>Jeb
>>>> Bush  Republican
>>>> <http://www.isidewith.com/elections/2016-presidential/1840736686:801556201>
>>>>
>>>> on healthcare, immigration, and criminal issues.
>>>> compare answers
>>>> <http://www.isidewith.com/elections/2016-presidential/1840736686:801556201>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>>
>>>> On Fri, Jul 8, 2016 at 11:33 AM, plainolamerican <[email protected]>
>>>> wrote:
>>>>
>>>>> the problem with Hillary is that she is just as big a socialist as
>>>>> Bernie Sanders is
>>>>> ---
>>>>> she's also a zionist who will sacrifice American interest for israel.
>>>>>
>>>>>
>>>>> 172
>>>>> shares
>>>>>
>>>>> <http://www.facebook.com/sharer.php?u=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.commentarymagazine.com%2Farticles%2Fgop-went-zionist%2F>
>>>>> <http://twitter.com/home?status=How+the+GOP+Went+Zionist%20-%20https%3A%2F%2Fwww.commentarymagazine.com%2Farticles%2Fgop-went-zionist%2F>
>>>>> <http://plus.google.com/share?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.commentarymagazine.com%2Farticles%2Fgop-went-zionist%2F>
>>>>> A
>>>>> T
>>>>> he movement to isolate Israel may be in full swing on college campuses
>>>>> across the country, and Israel may be the subject of ever-louder
>>>>> international denunciations, but when it comes to a Republican Party riven
>>>>> by squabbles, the Jewish state has become a unifying glue. Support for
>>>>> Israel is all but unanimous among the party’s politicians in Washington,
>>>>> and in the presidential race, candidates vie to outdo one another when it
>>>>> comes to expressing their commitment to it; even the isolationist
>>>>> presidential candidate Rand Paul has gone to great pains to attempt to
>>>>> establish his pro-Israel bona fides.
>>>>>
>>>>> It was not ever thus. Indeed, the emergence of the GOP as the nation’s
>>>>> pro-Israel voice is an odd and fascinating element in the modern political
>>>>> history of the United States. For the first 45 years of Israel’s 
>>>>> existence,
>>>>> the Republican Party was deeply divided when it came to the Middle East.
>>>>> Powerful forces inside the GOP had long been at best uncomfortable with
>>>>> Israel and at worst openly hostile. Those forces included big businessmen
>>>>> and oilmen with deep connections and interests in Arab lands and so-called
>>>>> foreign-policy realists who did not see why the U.S. should maintain a
>>>>> special relationship with a tiny, economically negligible country
>>>>> surrounded by 22 Arab nations that wished it would disappear.
>>>>>
>>>>> Old-line country-club anti-Semites played their part, as did a certain
>>>>> camp among America’s anti-Communists, for whom Israel was suspect in large
>>>>> measure because it called itself socialist and because Marx and Trotsky 
>>>>> had
>>>>> both been Jews.
>>>>> As a practical political matter, there were few discernible electoral
>>>>> incentives for the GOP to support Israel, given that the Jewish community
>>>>> was so completely in the Democratic camp (save for many progressive Jews 
>>>>> in
>>>>> the Northeast, such as Senator Jacob Javits of New York, who were members
>>>>> of the Republican Party because they loathed the role Southern
>>>>> segregationists played in the Democratic electoral coalition).
>>>>>
>>>>> Richard Nixon served as Eisenhower’s vice president and shared Ike’s
>>>>> views on maintaining the balance of power in the Middle East. When he
>>>>> became president in 1969, he wanted his administration to serve as a
>>>>> corrective to what Nixon believed had been the Johnson administration’s
>>>>> tilt toward Israel. Nixon also had a fraught personal relationship with
>>>>> Jewry and Judaism.
>>>>>
>>>>> The first Republican to serve as president after Israel’s founding was
>>>>> Dwight David Eisenhower, elected in 1952. Eisenhower was put off by
>>>>> Israel’s democratic-socialist ideology. Additionally, its tiny size,
>>>>> martial weakness, and lack of strategic resources of any kind marked it as
>>>>> an irritant. Eisenhower believed that his predecessor, Harry Truman, had
>>>>> only supported the creation of the state because of political
>>>>> considerations—the 1948 Jewish vote—not strategic calculations. His view
>>>>> was that the United States needed to preserve friendly relations with Arab
>>>>> states to maintain access to oil reserves and to keep the Arabs from
>>>>> forging stronger ties with the Soviet Union, which had begun to advocate
>>>>> for the Arab world against Israel in international forums such as the
>>>>> United Nations during Eisenhower’s first term. When Israel, France, and
>>>>> Britain invaded the Sinai to reestablish Western control of the Suez Canal
>>>>> after its seizure by Egypt, Eisenhower reacted with rage and forced the
>>>>> coalition to withdraw.
>>>>>
>>>>> The nascent conservative movement had a similar perspective on Israel.
>>>>> In 1957, an unsigned *National Review* editorial noted the importance
>>>>> of “reaching a friendly understanding with the surrounding Arab world” and
>>>>> warned against “sacrificing America’s primary strategic interests to
>>>>> Zionist pressures at home.” The magazine insisted that Arabs “must be 
>>>>> fully
>>>>> compensated for the economic and social consequences of the Jewish 
>>>>> conquest
>>>>> of Palestine.” There was one hint of changes to come, where the editorial
>>>>> went on to say that “the Israeli government, to be sure, deserves to be
>>>>> congratulated on its hardheaded firmness in staring down the busybodies of
>>>>> the UN.” This was an early planting of a seed that would help to grow a 
>>>>> new
>>>>> GOP foreign policy—one that would emerge both from the evolution of the
>>>>> party’s intellectuals and from its grassroots. But the seed would take
>>>>> decades to cultivate, as the party’s standard-bearers continued on in the
>>>>> Eisenhower vein.
>>>>>
>>>>> One of those standard-bearers was Richard Nixon. He had served as
>>>>> Ike’s vice president and shared Eisenhower’s views on maintaining the
>>>>> balance of power in the Middle East. When he became president in 1969, he
>>>>> wanted his administration to serve as a corrective to what Nixon believed
>>>>> had been the Johnson administration’s tilt toward Israel. Nixon also had a
>>>>> fraught personal relationship with Jewry and Judaism. On the one hand, he
>>>>> was the first president to appoint a Jewish national-security adviser,
>>>>> Henry Kissinger, who would also become the first Jewish secretary of 
>>>>> state.
>>>>> But the private Nixon spoke freely in bigoted terms about Jews and enjoyed
>>>>> poking at Kissinger’s origins. Once, when Kissinger expressed his opinion
>>>>> on an issue related to the Middle East at a National Security Council
>>>>> meeting, Nixon called him out by asking, “Now can we get an American point
>>>>> of view?” In his memoir *White House Years*, Kissinger recounts how
>>>>> Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir called Nixon “an old friend of the 
>>>>> Jewish
>>>>> people” and then notes wryly that this “was startling news to those of us
>>>>> familiar with Nixon’s ambivalences on that score.”
>>>>>
>>>>> And yet, when Israel faced an existential crisis during the 1973 Yom
>>>>> Kippur War, Nixon showed little ambivalence. He saved the Jewish state 
>>>>> from
>>>>> a devastating defeat at the hands of the Egyptians, armed to the teeth 
>>>>> with
>>>>> Soviet weaponry. Operation Nickel Grass provided Israel with more than
>>>>> 112,000 tons of supplies. Nixon knew he would be criticized over the
>>>>> airlift, and this understanding helped steel his resolve: “We are going to
>>>>> get blamed just as much for three planes as for three hundred.” When the
>>>>> airlift wasn’t moving fast enough, he ordered his generals to “use every
>>>>> [plane] we have—everything that will fly.”
>>>>>
>>>>> Nixon’s decision to arm Israel in the 1973 war would have
>>>>> long-standing repercussions. One consequence was the oil embargo initiated
>>>>> by the Arab states in 1973, an economically devastating move—and one that
>>>>> convinced ordinary Americans who had to cope with the tripling of energy
>>>>> costs that the Arab states were hostile entities that deserved to be
>>>>> confronted rather than appeased, as the foreign-policy panjandrums of both
>>>>> parties had long asserted. Decades of American evenhandedness had failed 
>>>>> to
>>>>> stay OPEC’s intimidation. Perhaps a different approach might prove more
>>>>> valid in the future.
>>>>>
>>>>> The war further clarified for the American people where the various
>>>>> Middle East players stood when it came to the Cold War. The Soviet Union
>>>>> had made it unmistakably evident that it was Israel’s enemy just as it was
>>>>> the enemy of the United States. And the war marked a turning point in
>>>>> Israel’s relation with the United States at a strategic level as well.
>>>>> Israel not only proved proficient at destroying Soviet weaponry used
>>>>> against it by Egypt and Syria, it also shared captured Soviet weapons,
>>>>> including the T-62 battle tank, with the United States. This was an
>>>>> intelligence coup for the U.S. military, and it demonstrated that oil was
>>>>> not the only strategic asset available to the United States in
>>>>> the Middle East. Israel, too, was an asset.
>>>>>
>>>>> Around this time, there was an emerging realization among some key
>>>>> foreign-policy thinkers that a coalition of Third World nations and Soviet
>>>>> allies was treating the U.S. as a punching bag at the United Nations. This
>>>>> was given full voice in Daniel Patrick Moynihan’s seminal 1975 Commentary
>>>>> essay, “The United States in Opposition.” Moynihan’s response to the
>>>>> rhetorical onslaught against the United States was simple: America should
>>>>> fight back. The essay led to his appointment by President Gerald Ford as
>>>>> U.S. ambassador to the UN in 1975 and 1976. And the most notable moment of
>>>>> Moynihan’s tenure came when he joined with Israel against the UN’s
>>>>> Orwellian declaration of Zionism as racism.
>>>>>
>>>>> Taking tough stands against Third World and Soviet critiques of the
>>>>> West put Israel and the United States on the same side and helped shake 
>>>>> the
>>>>> longstanding view that America’s strategic interests required taking the
>>>>> Arab view of the Arab–Israeli conflict. Ironically, Moynihan’s actions
>>>>> would have their most lasting impact not on his own Democratic Party but 
>>>>> on
>>>>> the GOP. As my brother Gil Troy put it in his history of Moynihan’s fight
>>>>> against the anti-Zionism resolution, “Moynihan’s stand against Soviet and
>>>>> Third World bullying in the United Nations helped inspire [Ronald] 
>>>>> Reagan’s
>>>>> more aggressive approach there” in the 1980s.
>>>>>
>>>>> The same would prove true about the influence of another hawkish
>>>>> Democrat, Senator Henry “Scoop” Jackson. Many of his aides—including
>>>>> Elliott Abrams, Douglas Feith, Richard Perle, and Paul Wolfowitz—shared 
>>>>> his
>>>>> perspective, and it was in Jackson’s offices that the emerging
>>>>> “neoconservative” foreign policy was first laid out in Washington. Israel
>>>>> was not Jackson’s primary foreign-policy interest. Rather, his top 
>>>>> priority
>>>>> was a strong U.S. stance against Soviet aggression. And because he 
>>>>> believed
>>>>> the Nixon-Kissinger policy of détente was a capitulation, he pressed for
>>>>> increased involvement of Congress in international relations to counter 
>>>>> the
>>>>> administration’s appeasement; his greatest success came with the passage 
>>>>> of
>>>>> the Jackson-Vanik amendment, which linked U.S-Soviet trade to Soviet
>>>>> human-rights policy, particularly as regarded oppressed Soviet Jews who
>>>>> wished to emigrate.
>>>>>
>>>>> Jackson-Vanik was a landmark because it heralded a new era in which
>>>>> Congress would take a more active hand in the making and implementation of
>>>>> U.S. foreign policy. The rise of congressional independence in foreign
>>>>> policy meant that an individual member’s views on these matters became 
>>>>> more
>>>>> relevant, tactically and strategically, and on Israel in particular.
>>>>>
>>>>> Pro-Israel lobbying groups such as AIPAC began focusing more effort on
>>>>> lobbying Congress, too. Lobbying is not just about applying pressure and
>>>>> raising money; successful lobbyists attempt to make the case to those to
>>>>> whom they appeal that the vote is right and just and will benefit them,
>>>>> their districts, and the country in general. AIPAC’s new focus on Capitol
>>>>> Hill was in part educational. Trips to Israel for members and their staffs
>>>>> became routine. The effort was extraordinarily successful. Aid to Israel
>>>>> became regularized. That began with the signing of the Camp David accords
>>>>> when the United States began to supply Israel with money it had lost from
>>>>> giving back the Sinai oil fields Israel had captured in the Six-Day War.
>>>>> Later, in 1985, U.S. military aid to Israel was converted from loans to
>>>>> grants; and an earmark for purchasing military equipment became part of 
>>>>> the
>>>>> annual foreign-aid appropriation shortly afterward.
>>>>>
>>>>> Outside of Washington, another important trend emerged in the 1970s
>>>>> that would have a far-reaching impact on the GOP’s realignment with 
>>>>> Israel:
>>>>> the rise of the evangelical vote. Staunch evangelical support for Israel
>>>>> meant that it was no longer mainly Jewish voters who cared where
>>>>> politicians stood. As these voters moved in large numbers to the 
>>>>> Republican
>>>>> Party, beginning with the election in 1980, these pro-Israel Christians
>>>>> started to emerge as the largest and most important segment of the GOP
>>>>> base. Republican politicians started to take notice.
>>>>>
>>>>> Then–Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin also took notice, and took
>>>>> steps to encourage the burgeoning evangelical support of Israel. In 1981,
>>>>> Begin spoke to a gathering of 3,000 evangelical Christians in Jerusalem 
>>>>> and
>>>>> issued a medal to Moral Majority leader Jerry Falwell. After Israel bombed
>>>>> Iraq’s Osirak nuclear reactor, Begin even called Falwell to explain
>>>>> Israel’s reasoning.
>>>>>
>>>>> Begin stood in stark contrast to American Jewish leaders, such as
>>>>> Rabbi Alexander Schindler of the Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish
>>>>> Organizations, who told the *New York Times* in 1981 that he thought
>>>>> it “madness and suicide if Jews honor for their support of Israel
>>>>> right-wing evangelists who constitute a danger to the Jews of the United
>>>>> States.” Begin was also willing to work on less enlightened evangelicals
>>>>> such as Bailey Smith. After Smith notoriously said that “God Almighty does
>>>>> not hear the prayer of a Jew,” Begin met with him in Israel and helped 
>>>>> turn
>>>>> him around, politically if not theologically. When asked about his work
>>>>> with evangelicals like Smith and Falwell, Begin aide Yehuda Avner said:
>>>>> “Israel will not turn aside a hand stretched out by a friend in support of
>>>>> Israel’s just cause. Jerry Falwell is one of the most vigorous and
>>>>> outspoken friends of Israel. We will not turn aside that hand of
>>>>> friendship.”
>>>>>
>>>>> It was not only conservative clergy who would be converted to the
>>>>> pro-Israel cause, but conservative legislators as well. The most important
>>>>> example was the evolution of North Carolina Senator Jesse Helms. Helms was
>>>>> openly hostile to Israel for his first decade or so in the Senate, and was
>>>>> targeted for defeat by Jewish groups in a 1984 Senate reelection bid that
>>>>> he survived only by the skin of his teeth. The next year, AIPAC helped
>>>>> arrange a trip to Israel for Helms and his wife; Helms himself indicated
>>>>> that the trip was life-changing (though surely his near-death experience
>>>>> with voters had had a clarifying effect as well). Helms would go on to
>>>>> chair from 1995 to 2001 the Senate’s Foreign Relations Committee, where he
>>>>> would actively legislate on Israel’s behalf.
>>>>>
>>>>> Helms’s shift represented the confluence of forces that were remaking
>>>>> the Republican Party. The growing evangelical support for Israel had its
>>>>> greatest impact in the South, fast becoming the GOP’s stronghold. And it
>>>>> coincided with Ronald Reagan’s eloquence in support of the Jewish state.
>>>>> Reagan did not see eye to eye with the Israelis on every issue; he 
>>>>> approved
>>>>> the sale of AWACS radar planes to Saudi Arabia in 1981, criticized the
>>>>> Osirak attack, and was not supportive of Israel’s invasion of Lebanon in
>>>>> 1982. But Reagan spoke and thought of Israel in a manner new to American
>>>>> presidents. He saw that Israel was a strategic asset to the United States
>>>>> in the struggle against totalitarianism. Reagan recognized the alignment
>>>>> not only of interests but foundational Judeo-Christian beliefs: “Israel
>>>>> represents the one stable democracy sharing values with us in that part of
>>>>> the world,” he said.
>>>>>
>>>>> He took the historic step of formalizing military cooperation between
>>>>> the United States and Israel. This strategic redefinition of the
>>>>> relationship had a number of salutary long-term implications for both
>>>>> nations. First, it helped improve the Israeli military by giving Israel
>>>>> access to U.S. technology, training, and tactics. Linking the American and
>>>>> the Israeli militaries established a connection between the two nations
>>>>> that went beyond the political vagaries of elections. The Pentagon also
>>>>> began to recognize the strategic importance of maintaining its joint
>>>>> activities with Israel, which could field-test U.S. weapons, strengthen
>>>>> intelligence cooperation, and serve as a base for U.S. equipment in a
>>>>> hostile region.
>>>>>
>>>>> Reagan’s perspective was plain: Reward your friends and punish your
>>>>> enemies. Stand up to the USSR, hijackers, and petro-blackmailers, and 
>>>>> stand
>>>>> with people who were on your side. In this context, it made perfect sense
>>>>> for Republicans to back Israel, even if you belonged to a country club,
>>>>> worked for an oil company, or were an armchair strategist who understood
>>>>> the magnitude by which Arabs outnumbered Israel in population.
>>>>>
>>>>> Congressional GOP support for Israel became even more marked in the
>>>>> 1990s after the GOP took over both Houses of Congress. The outspokenly
>>>>> pro-Israel Speaker Newt Gingrich set up a contrast on the Israel issue
>>>>> between himself and the Clinton administration, which was pressing Israel
>>>>> for territorial concessions in the name of peace deals.
>>>>>
>>>>> Following Reagan’s lead and influenced by the neoconservatives who had
>>>>> gravitated to the GOP, pro-Israel voices became more confident in
>>>>> expressing their view of the ties that bound the United States and the
>>>>> Jewish state—the same monotheistic roots, which disposed them to an
>>>>> appreciation for human dignity and self-determination, and a shared belief
>>>>> in a covenantal founding of both nations. This view helped the GOP
>>>>> establish an ideological framework for foreign policy beyond the binary
>>>>> question of Communist versus anti-Communist.
>>>>>
>>>>> None of this was seamless. Reagan was succeeded by George H.W. Bush,
>>>>> himself quite literally a Country Club Republican and oilman by birth and
>>>>> occupation and a foreign-policy realist by disposition. He famously
>>>>> complained about the Israel lobby, saying ludicrously that he, the
>>>>> president, was “one lonely guy” up against “some powerful political 
>>>>> forces”
>>>>> made up of “a thousand lobbyists on the Hill.” His secretary of state,
>>>>> James Baker, was even worse, earning the wrong kind of immortality with 
>>>>> his
>>>>> line, “F— the Jews, they don’t vote for us anyway.” Even as these attacks
>>>>> were going on, there were signs that Bush had already become an 
>>>>> anachronism
>>>>> in a rapidly changing world—most notably the fact that the Baker line was
>>>>> leaked to the press by his disgusted fellow cabinet secretary Jack Kemp, a
>>>>> key figure in remaking the party as pro-Israel.
>>>>>
>>>>> But Bush’s brand of hostility was not the only anti-Israel tendency
>>>>> within the rapidly evolving American right. Open anti-Semitism reared its
>>>>> head as well, in the personages of the writers Patrick J. Buchanan (a
>>>>> protest candidate for president in 1992 and 1996) and Joseph Sobran. When
>>>>> Buchanan called Congress “Israeli-occupied territory,” he was not only
>>>>> giving foul voice to a classic anti-Semitic theme but was accurately
>>>>> reflecting the fact that by this point, anti-Israel sentiment on Capitol
>>>>> Hill had become a mark of extremism in both parties. More important, both
>>>>> Sobran and Buchanan received a very public cold shoulder from the
>>>>> mainstream conservative movement. William F. Buckley Jr. himself wrote a
>>>>> long indictment of his friend Sobran in *National Review* and
>>>>> consigned his and Buchanan’s brand of Jew-hatred to the margins of the
>>>>> conservative movement.
>>>>>
>>>>> Congressional GOP support for Israel became even more marked in the
>>>>> 1990s after the GOP took over both Houses of Congress. The outspokenly
>>>>> pro-Israel Speaker Newt Gingrich set up a contrast on the Israel issue
>>>>> between himself and the Clinton administration, which was pressing Israel
>>>>> for territorial concessions in the name of peace deals. In 1998, Gingrich
>>>>> visited Israel and was so expressive of his admiration and support for
>>>>> Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu that journalist David Makovsky called 
>>>>> the
>>>>> trip a “love fest.” Palestinians noticed as well, and grumbled about what
>>>>> the* New York Times* characterized as “the lopsided support for
>>>>> Israel shown by Mr. Gingrich and the Congress.”
>>>>>
>>>>> Netanyahu would go on to play a key part in facilitating better
>>>>> relations between Israel and the GOP in another way as well. As prime
>>>>> minister in the 1990s and, more successfully, as finance minister from 
>>>>> 2003
>>>>> to 2005, Netanyahu embarked on a series of economic reforms that
>>>>> liberalized Israel’s previously socialistic and stagnant economy. 
>>>>> Netanyahu
>>>>> made alterations in Israel’s welfare system, slashed government spending,
>>>>> privatized parts of the economy, and cut taxes. Unemployment and deficits
>>>>> went down, economic growth surged, and Israel developed its reputation as
>>>>> the high tech start-up nation. The reforms also opened the door to more
>>>>> support from the Republicans, as backing the Jewish state no longer meant
>>>>> having to apologize for propping up a socialist economy. Instead,
>>>>> Republicans could now tout a free-market Israeli economy, which was far
>>>>> more congruent with prevailing GOP economic theory.
>>>>> W
>>>>> hen the GOP took over the White House after Bill Clinton, the days of
>>>>> strategic ambiguity by GOP presidents toward Israel were long gone. George
>>>>> H.W. Bush and George W. Bush may have come from the same family, but they
>>>>> came from different Republican parties. The party that embraced the 
>>>>> younger
>>>>> Bush was evangelically dominated, congressionally focused, and 
>>>>> definitively
>>>>> pro-Israel. As Bush once told a Jewish leader: “The Saudis thought ‘this
>>>>> Texas oil guy was going to go against Israel’ and I told them you have the
>>>>> wrong guy.”
>>>>>
>>>>> As the story goes, when Bush went to Israel, then–Foreign Minister
>>>>> Ariel Sharon went out of his way to welcome the visiting governor, and
>>>>> Arafat gave Bush the runaround—after which he denounced Bush for refusing
>>>>> to meet with him. Sharon’s foresight would be rewarded, and Arafat’s
>>>>> shortsightedness would come back to haunt him. This became obvious during
>>>>> the Second Intifada, with Israel suffering from a barrage of
>>>>> Arafat-encouraged suicide attacks. At the time, America itself was
>>>>> recovering from the shock of 9/11, and the televised footage of
>>>>> Palestinians celebrating the attacks by handing out candy clarified issues
>>>>> in the minds of many Americans.
>>>>>
>>>>> Bush gave Sharon the leeway he needed to defend Israeli lives. Former
>>>>> White House Press Secretary Ari Fleischer tells an instructive story in
>>>>> this regard. Following one Palestinian attack, Fleischer handed Bush what
>>>>> he called “typical” talking points that called for “both sides to refrain
>>>>> from violence.” Bush looked at the talking points and responded, “No, 
>>>>> don’t
>>>>> say that. Just say this: ‘Israel has a right to defend itself.’ ” 
>>>>> According
>>>>> to Fleischer, Bush’s preferred response “sent shock waves through the
>>>>> bureaucracy,” which was used to deliberately evasive, morally nebulous
>>>>> suggestions of “even-handedness.”
>>>>>
>>>>> In Bush’s view, and as a result of a generational shift in the GOP,
>>>>> Israel was our ally and was going to be treated as such. To be sure, Bush
>>>>> continued to push for the so-called peace process, especially in his 
>>>>> second
>>>>> term. But Bush’s effort, led by Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice,
>>>>> featured none of the vitriol that would characterize the Obama
>>>>> administration’s push for a negotiated settlement.
>>>>> T
>>>>> hus, the tale of the transformation of the GOP into an unambiguously,
>>>>> proudly, and solidly pro-Israel coalition, 80 percent of whose
>>>>> self-identified members now tell pollsters they support the Jewish state.
>>>>> In 2014, Joshua Muravchik wrote an important book, *Making David into
>>>>> Goliath*, an account of how Israel went from being a widely admired
>>>>> nation in 1967 to one of the most reviled. In Muravchik’s telling, this
>>>>> development was not accidental, but the result of strategic action by a
>>>>> number of actors—on the left, in the Arab world, and in Europe—to
>>>>> delegitimize and damage Israel. But while the Jewish state lost many 
>>>>> allies
>>>>> during this period, it also gained an important and reliable friend. At 
>>>>> the
>>>>> same time that the world was learning to hate Israel, the Republican Party
>>>>> was learning to love it.
>>>>>
>>>>>
>>>>> On Friday, July 8, 2016 at 7:07:52 AM UTC-5, MJ wrote:
>>>>>>
>>>>>>
>>>>>> July 8, 2016
>>>>>>
>>>>>> *The Problem With Hillary *By Thomas DiLorenzo
>>>>>>
>>>>>> The problem with Hillary Clinton as a presidential candidate is not
>>>>>> that she is a corrupt and dishonest politician, as her critics have
>>>>>> charged.  No, the problem with Hillary is that she is just as big a
>>>>>> socialist as Bernie Sanders is.  “We’re going to take things away from 
>>>>>> you
>>>>>> on behalf of the common good,” she announced to a San Francisco audience 
>>>>>> in
>>>>>> 2004, echoing the *Communist Manifesto* mantra, “from each according
>>>>>> to his ability, to each according to his needs.”  “We must stop thinking 
>>>>>> of
>>>>>> the individual and start thinking about what is best for society,” she 
>>>>>> once
>>>>>> proclaimed as First Lady.  Such statements are a defining characteristic 
>>>>>> of
>>>>>> the socialist philosophy:  attacks on individualism in the name of the
>>>>>> “common good” of “society” – always defined and enforced *by
>>>>>> politicians*, never by society as a whole.  And like Sanders, she
>>>>>> threatens “the rich” with even more onerous taxes to be used to subsidize
>>>>>> the working class (“working families” in the neo-Marxist language of one 
>>>>>> of
>>>>>> her television ads).
>>>>>>
>>>>>> Hillary Clinton demonstrated her socialist credentials during the
>>>>>> Democratic primary debates with the proud, self-described socialist 
>>>>>> Bernie
>>>>>> Sanders.  Whenever Sanders would excite the audiences of Democrats with
>>>>>> Santa Claus-like promises of “free” healthcare, education, housing, 
>>>>>> welfare
>>>>>> payments, and much else, Hillary’s response was to agree with him,
>>>>>> promising to increase federal spending by more than $1 trillion over the
>>>>>> next ten years.  There was no disagreement over the principles of
>>>>>> socialism, only the details.
>>>>>>
>>>>>> A current fad among the socialists of Europe is to propose some kind
>>>>>> of “basic” government-defined income for the entire population.
>>>>>> Switzerland just voted down this latest money-for-nothing scheme.
>>>>>> Naturally, Hillary is all on board with it, having proposed giving every
>>>>>> baby born in America a $5000 account that would be invested and given to
>>>>>> the child upon reaching the voting age of eighteen.  George McGovern
>>>>>> proposed a similar, $1000 “demogrant” in 1972, which was dismissed and
>>>>>> ridiculed as socialistic nonsense and may well have caused him to lose 
>>>>>> the
>>>>>> election to Richard Nixon.
>>>>>>
>>>>>> In other words, Hillary is just as much a socialist as Bernie
>>>>>> Sanders, only she doesn’t use the “S” word for marketing purposes.  She
>>>>>> prefers “progressive Democrat” instead, but that is not very convincing,
>>>>>> even to many of her supporters.  During a televised interview
>>>>>> <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aqq5q11uK0M> with Chris Mathews,
>>>>>> she was asked repeatedly what the difference was between a Democrat and a
>>>>>> socialist.  She refused to answer the question, implying to many that she
>>>>>> probably believes that there *is *no significant difference.
>>>>>>
>>>>>> In the early 1990s Hillary Clinton was the main architect of what
>>>>>> came to be known as “Hillarycare” – the Clinton administration plan to
>>>>>> impose Soviet-style central planning on America’s healthcare sector.  
>>>>>> This
>>>>>> gives us great insight into her vision of the role of government in the
>>>>>> economy, and how she would like to see more and more American industries
>>>>>> run – by dictates issued by thousands of anonymous bureaucrats paid for 
>>>>>> by
>>>>>> the biggest tax increases in history and enforced by the heavy hand of 
>>>>>> the
>>>>>> state.
>>>>>>
>>>>>> Socialist central planning, as such, has always been a perfect recipe
>>>>>> for the impoverishment of entire societies while at the same time 
>>>>>> enriching
>>>>>> and empowering a small political ruling class elite. How else could the
>>>>>> thirty-five-year-old daughter of the late Hugo Chavez, the onetime
>>>>>> socialist ruler of Venezuela, become the wealthiest person in that 
>>>>>> country
>>>>>> with a reported net worth of over $4 billion?
>>>>>>
>>>>>> Hillarycare was a bureaucratic nightmare that would have forced most
>>>>>> Americans to cancel their health insurance and obtain it from a 
>>>>>> government
>>>>>> bureaucracy.  It would have forced everyone to purchase a full array of
>>>>>> government-defined benefits; it would have been managed from Washington 
>>>>>> by
>>>>>> a board of seven presidential appointees and thousands of bureaucrats;
>>>>>> access to physicians would have been restricted and controlled by
>>>>>> bureaucrats, not patients; and all outside insurance plans would have 
>>>>>> been
>>>>>> illegal.
>>>>>>
>>>>>> Price controls on everything from doctors’ salaries to MRI machines
>>>>>> would have caused pervasive shortages; the plan would have required 
>>>>>> massive
>>>>>> tax increases, mostly on the lower and middle classes, causing huge job
>>>>>> losses (600,000 in the first few years alone according to the Clinton
>>>>>> administration itself at the time); 59 new federal bureaucracies would 
>>>>>> have
>>>>>> been created with 20 others expanded; and hundreds of new regulatory
>>>>>> mandates would have been imposed on healthcare providers.
>>>>>>
>>>>>> Insurers would have been required to charge the same rates to
>>>>>> everyone regardless of age or health, making a mockery of the very word
>>>>>> “insurance.”  Costly employer mandates would have forced employers to 
>>>>>> lower
>>>>>> wages and benefits and/or lay off workers; and state governments would 
>>>>>> have
>>>>>> been forced to become “purchasing alliances” for the federal 
>>>>>> bureaucracy’s
>>>>>> central planning scheme.
>>>>>>
>>>>>> Members of Congress and all federal employees were to be exempted
>>>>>> from Hillarycare, however.  Only the little people (i.e., everyone else)
>>>>>> were to be corralled into socialized medicine.
>>>>>>
>>>>>> The bizarre thing about “Hillarycare” is that it was an absurdly
>>>>>> bureaucratic, Soviet-style central planning program that was promoted by
>>>>>> the Clintons barely three years after the final collapse of socialism in
>>>>>> the Soviet empire – a collapse caused primarily by the futility of
>>>>>> attempting to centrally plan an economy through government “planning”
>>>>>> instead of markets – just like “Hillarycare.”
>>>>>>
>>>>>> Perhaps “Obamacare,” which has resurrected parts of “Hillarycare,”
>>>>>> has been imposed on the American public because so much of it – primarily
>>>>>> the younger generation – is unaware of the grotesque failures of
>>>>>> twentieth-century socialism.  They should look at the current economic
>>>>>> implosion of Venezuela – the latest darling-of-the-Left  “socialist
>>>>>> paradise” – to learn some important lessons.
>>>>>>
>>>>>>
>>>>>> https://www.lewrockwell.com/2016/07/thomas-dilorenzo/real-problem-hillary/
>>>>>>
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