The rest is that Islam declared war on non-Muslims 1400 years ago and must
be defeated to stop Islamic terrorism.  Without Islam there is no Islamic
terror.



B



http://www.bloomberg.com/view/articles/2016-07-19/what-the-west-doesn-t-get-about-terror


What the West Doesn't Get About Terror

July 19, 2016 3:00 AM EDT

By

Clive Crook
<http://www.bloomberg.com/view/contributors/AQp3hO-GQyI/clive-crook>

The latest terrorist atrocity in France -- the country's third
mass-casualty attack in 18 months -- demands more than sympathy and
solidarity. It calls for a clearer understanding of the threat facing much
of the West for the foreseeable future.

Compare two kinds of response to the killings in Nice. On Friday Barack
Obama connected the atrocity to the "difficult several weeks
<https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2016/07/15/remarks-president-diplomatic-corps-reception>"
just experienced by the U.S.:

[T]he divide that exists is not between races and ethnicities and
religions; it is between people who recognize the common humanity of all
people and are willing to build institutions that promote that common
humanity, and those who do not -- those who would suggest that somebody is
less than them because of their tribe, or their ethnicity, or their faith,
or their color.  And those impulses exist in all our countries.

The problem isn't religion as such, you see. (Previously Obama went so far
as to say that Islamic State is not Islamic
<https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2014/09/10/statement-president-isil-1>.)
French Prime Minister Manuel Valls took a different and much simpler line.
He said
<http://www.nytimes.com/live/truck-plows-into-crowd-in-nice-france/french-pri/>
France is at war with radical Islamism: "I want to tell my fellow
countrymen that we will win this war."

Since the horrors of 9/11, the U.S. and its allies have vacillated between
these two poles of thinking.

One theory sees Islamist terrorism as outbreaks of irrational incoherent
violence -- terrible, but no clash of civilizations, no existential threat.
Rather, a condition of "chronic violence" that will have to be tolerated
indefinitely, until all of us achieve greater enlightenment. At home,
confronting this violence is mostly like fighting crime.

The other theory posits war, to be fought with little or no restraint until
victory is won. The struggle, on this view, can and will be brought to a
decisive conclusion. And because it won't go on indefinitely, extreme
measures can be justified as temporary expedients.

What happened in Nice last week, and in Paris last November
<http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-34827497>, and in Brussels in March
<http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-35869985>, or in New York City and
Washington D.C. in 2001, and again and again in cities around the world
since then, conforms to neither of these models. You might say this is
obvious, and it is. Even so, the West hasn't come to terms with it.

The war model doesn't work. Violent Islamism is an idea and a project, not
a state -- notwithstanding the pretensions of the entity calling itself
Islamic State -- and mere force can't defeat it. There's no telling when or
whether these attacks might stop. And until they do, there's no military
defense against a neighbor willing to die in the act of making his point by
crushing children with a truck.

Equally, these appalling acts aren't just loosely connected episodes of
psychopathic violence. The perpetrators have a purpose, a religious
rationale, and a global network of supporters and enablers. The scale of
their project, its ambition, and its limitless cruelty make it far more
dangerous than previous terrorist enterprises -- both in its own right
(imagine nuclear materials), and also because of the risk of backlash,
which the attacks are intended to provoke.

In security policy, whether they like it or not, governments have been
forced to recognize this new normal: less than waging war, more than
fighting crime. The U.S. and its allies are killing Islamic State leaders
where they can and weakening the group's hold on territory in Iraq and
Syria. In the teeth of fierce opposition, they've shifted the domestic
balance between safety and civil liberty, expanding surveillance and
intelligence-gathering, despite the cost in diminished privacy and
resentment at unchecked government power.

More can be done -- on the ground in fighting Islamic State, and at home,
where it's less a question of expanding powers than using what governments
now have more effectively. Europe's deficiencies in intelligence-sharing,
for instance, remain a critical vulnerability.

Where political leaders have truly failed, however, is in explaining their
actions to fearful and justifiably skeptical citizens. Perhaps these
leaders just don't understand their own policies. The war France has
declared can't be won. At the other pole, it's no help to say that violent
Islamism is of a piece with ordinary bigotry, to deny that Islamic
principles have been used to justify violent Islamism, or to suggest it's
irrelevant that the attackers are Muslims.

Obama's aim of course is most laudable: to say that the great majority of
Muslims worldwide deplore violent Islamism, that American Muslims are
friends, neighbors and fellow citizens, and to appeal for unity. Yet this
message can surely be delivered without denying the obvious -- which is
that Islam is in crisis and counts among its followers a substantial and
unappeasable minority profoundly at odds with Western liberalism, and
within that minority many who look tolerantly on violence against the
infidel.

If the words to say this can't be found, it might be better to say nothing
about the terrorists' motivations. Denying what voters can see in plain
sight doesn't ease anybody's fears or unify nations against their
attackers. It strengthens populist movements that hope to gain power by
setting race against race and faith against faith -- movements that may
come to pose an even greater threat than the terrorists.

The U.S., France and its friends must steel themselves for a trial of years
if not decades. Of this trial's many tests, one of the most difficult will
be, as George Orwell once said, the constant struggle to see what is in
front of one's nose.




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