The black “insiders” and the Obama administration
By Lawrence Porter
17 November 2008

Last Thursday, the Wall Street Journal published a prominent article
entitled, "Black Power Brokers Ready to Rise in Tandem with New
President." The article is valuable in that it provides a sense of the
social layer from which Barack Obama emerged and the deep social gulf
dividing this extremely privileged stratum from the vast majority of
working people whose votes swept him into office.

"For more than a decade," the article states, "Mr. Obama has
cultivated ties with a growing circle of black power brokers who are
poised—and eager—to wield greater national influence. Some of these
insiders stand to gain new status in an Obama administration, and many
more in law firms, big corporations and Wall Street. They believe that
their proximity to the president-elect will burnish their reputations,
much in the way white elites always have leveraged connections in
business and politics."

As cheerleaders of the outgoing Bush administration and defenders of
the most rapacious layers of the financial establishment, the Wall
Street Journal is no doubt bitter at the fate of the Republicans.
Nevertheless, it clearly recognizes political operatives on the make
when it sees them.


"These black executives see a window of opportunity for themselves,"
Peniel Joseph, an African American political professor from Brandeis
University, told the paper. "Obama being president shatters the glass
ceiling."

Obama has collected supporters among the black elite throughout his
career—from the close-knit black Harvard law school alumni, his
connections with the administration of Harold Washington (the first
black mayor of Chicago) during his days as a community organizer, and
among national politicians in the recent period. "In many ways their
careers mirror that of the candidate himself," states the Journal.

"They are graduates of Ivy League and prestigious colleges and law
schools. They ascended the ranks of mainstream corporate America,
often accumulating great wealth in the process. They've been adept at
navigating elite white precincts while retaining ties to the black
community. They are also bound by the intricate social web that
operates largely out of sight from whites: family connections, black
law-school alumni organizations, black fraternities and sororities, as
well as popular vacation spots for affluent African Americans like
Martha's Vineyard."

Many are hoping for a ripple effect in career opportunities for black
professionals once Obama enters the White House. "You'll see changes
in Washington, D.C. where people are making decisions about who is
running a news bureau, who is heading up a lobbying shop," stated
Cassandra Butts, one of Obama's top advisors and a fellow black
classmate at Harvard Law school. Butts is a Democratic Party insider
who worked as a senior advisor to Representative Richard Gephardt of
Missouri, the former Democratic minority leader in the House.

The Obama presidential campaign carefully cultivated the illusion that
an African American president would prove sympathetic to the plight of
average working people. However, the social layers that Obama
represents have different class interests; far from being sympathetic
to the conditions of the working class or the poor, they have used
their connections to take advantage of the very people they claim to
defend.

Not surprisingly, some of these supporters have been exposed as petty
opportunists, people who know how to game the system by helping
themselves to government subsidies in various shady practices.

This social layer is the product of affirmative action, using racial
politics as a path to privilege and to secure the advantage of
government largess. In a healthier society, many of them would be
facing criminal charges rather than reaping millions of dollars in
government contracts.

According to an investigative report in the Boston Globe, "Grim
proving ground for Obama's housing policy," Obama has close ties to
several real estate developers in Chicago, some of whom are black
attorneys. All have been major fund-raisers for the Obama campaign.
All of them made handsome profits from government-subsidized and
privately owned low-income housing, while the tenants lived in
squalor.

Government-subsidized privately owned apartment complexes have been a
major means to riches for this layer, which received the continued
support of Obama while he was both a state legislator in Illinois and
a US senator.

The Globe reported that Obama as a state senator co-authored an
Illinois law that created a new pool of tax credits for developers.
And as a US senator, he pressed for increased federal subsidies.
During his presidential campaign, the article states, he promised "to
create an Affordable Housing Trust Fund that could give developers an
estimated $500 million a year."

While he was running for president, Obama's campaign told the Globe
that the candidate supported public-private partnerships as an
alternative to public housing. The campaign said that Obama has
"consistently fought to make livable, affordable housing in mixed-
income neighborhoods available to all."

One of those who has greatly benefited from such public-private
partnerships is Obama's closest advisor, Valerie Jarrett. Jarrett, who
was co-chairwoman of Obama's transition team, was named Friday as
senior White House advisor. She has been called the other side of
Obama's brain, because he reportedly never makes a major decision
without her consultation.

Jarrett is the CEO of The Habitat Company, one of Chicago's largest
real estate development firms. Through ties with the Daley
administration, she manages the infamous Grove Parc Plaza, a squalid
housing development for the poor that is privately run but government-
subsidized, making enormous riches for the owners.

"Government is just not as good at owning and managing as the private
sector because the incentives are not there," said Jarrett to the
Globe. Based on these "incentives"—i.e., private profit—Jarrett
manages 23,000 apartments in the Chicago area. "I would argue that
someone living in a poor neighborhood that isn't 100 percent public is
by definition better off."

Despite Jarrett's claims, the Grove Parc Plaza project, located in a
predominantly black working class district that was a part of Obama's
constituency when he was a state senator, had to demolish one fifth of
the units because they were uninhabitable due to a lack of
maintenance.

The Globe article states: "About 99 units are vacant, many rendered
uninhabitable by unfixed problems such as unfixed roofs and fire
damage. Mice scamper through the halls.... Sewage backs up in the
kitchen sinks. In 2006 federal inspectors graded the condition of the
complex an 11 on a 100-point scale."

Another lawyer with close to ties to Obama is Allison Davis,
identified in the Boston Globe article as Obama's former law firm boss
and a participant in the Grove Parc Plaza development. Through ties
with Obama and the Daley administration, Davis received more than $100
million in subsidies to refurbish 1,500 apartments in Chicago.

In one of Davis's North Side buildings, city inspectors cited Davis
after chronic plumbing problems that resulted in raw sewage spilling
into several buildings.

The worst case exposed in the article was the housing development
known as Lawndale Restoration, a collection of more than 1,200
apartments in 97 buildings spread out over 300 blocks. It is Chicago's
largest subsidized housing development. The company is owned by Cecil
Butler, an attorney who claims to have been a civil rights activist
but is reviled as a slumlord in the Chicago region.

Lawndale Restoration was founded in the early 1980s when the federal
government granted Butler a $22 million loan to take over and
redevelop the buildings. In 1995, Butler received an additional $51
million for renovations. In 2000, Butler brought in Jarrett's company,
Habitat, to help manage the complex. However, the housing complex
continued to degenerate.

In 2006, city inspectors found 1,800 code violations in the units,
including leaky roofs, exposed electrical wiring and pools of sewage
in the buildings.

Another Obama supporter and public-private housing developer was Tony
Rezko, a Syrian-born developer who is now in jail for fraud and
bribery. Rezko founded a real estate company named Rezmar. He received
$87 million over nine years in government grants, loans and tax
credits to renovate 1,000 apartments in 30 different buildings. The
conditions in these units were similar to those at Parc Grove and
Lawndale Restoration.

Rezko became an early supporter of Obama in 1995 when he first ran for
the state senate. Several of his buildings were in Obama's district
where the residents regularly complained about the rats in the
buildings and the lack of insulation for heat.

These conditions and Obama's close ties to the developers sparked a
protest against the candidate when he was running for the US Senate.
The Boston Globe asked Paul Johnson, who organized the protest, if
Obama knew about the problems.

"How didn't he know?" stated Johnson. "Of course he knew. He just
didn't care."

Butler's role in Lawndale Restoration is a potent illustration of the
class interests of the layer of black businessmen who formed a key
base for Obama. In a 2004 article on North Lawndale, the Chicago
Tribune exposed how Butler amassed a personal bonanza as the housing
unit deteriorated, resulting in unlivable conditions for many of the
residents. Of the $51 million Butler received in 1995, court papers
reviewed by the Chicago Tribune revealed, barely one-third went to
repairs, "$14.7 million to attorneys, accountants, underwriters
reserves and closing costs. The rest paid off previous debt to the
buildings."

The article went on to state that the bond the state issued for the
housing development was a benefit for ChevronTexaco and Butler. The
oil company paid $20.6 million in cash for the bond and in exchange
received $27 million in government-authorized tax write-offs.

"About $9.5 million of the cash the oil company invested went to a
real estate company Butler owns as a fee for its services and
reimbursement of its expenses," the Chicago Tribune reported.

Ironically, Martin Luther King briefly lived in the North Lawndale
area in 1966 in an effort to expose "slum-lordism" and expose the
conditions that it imposed upon masses of black workers in the North.

Both race and the constant refrain of "helping the middle class" have
been used in this election campaign to obscure the real class
divisions in society. The layers of the black elite around Obama are
in fact part of a grasping bourgeoisie, which defends the capitalist
system and the drive for wealth, many at the expense of the black
workers they claim to defend.

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