do you plan on being a whining moonbat this coming new year Mellonhead
Mike?

On Dec 30, 8:20 am, "mike [never forget] 532"
<[email protected]> wrote:
> Two Dangerous Bush-Cheney Mythshttp://www.truthout.org/122908R
> As George W. Bush and Dick Cheney make their case for some positive
> legacy from the past eight years, two arguments are playing key
> roles:
> the notion that torturing terror suspects saved American lives and
> the
> belief that Bush's Iraq troop "surge" transformed a disaster into
> something close to "victory."
>
>     Not only will these twin arguments be important in defining the
> public's future impression of where Bush should rank on the
> presidential list, but they could constrain how far President Barack
> Obama can go in reversing these policies. In other words, the
> perception of the past can affect the future.
>
>     Though most current thinking holds that George W. Bush might want
> to trademark the slogan "Worst President Ever," America's powerful
> right-wing media (and its many allies in the mainstream press) will
> surely seek to rehabilitate Bush's reputation as much as possible.
>
>     Even elevating Bush to the status of a presidential mediocrity
> might open the door for a revival of the Bush Dynasty with brother
> Jeb
> already eyeing one of Florida's U.S. Senate seats and possibly
> harboring grander ambitions.
>
>     And even if another Bush in the White House is not realistic, a
> kinder-gentler judgment on George W. Bush at least could help the
> Republican Party rebound in 2010 and 2012. So evaluating the Bush-
> Cheney torture policies and how successful the "surge" are not just
> academic exercises.
>
>     Two recent articles by people with first-hand knowledge also shed
> important new light on these issues: one by a lead U.S. interrogator
> in Iraq and the other by former Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld.
>
>     The interrogator - using the pseudonym "Matthew Alexander" for an
> article in the Washington Post's Outlook section on Nov. 30 - wrote
> that the practice of humiliating and abusing prisoners had proved
> counterproductive, not only violating U.S. principles and failing to
> extract reliable intelligence but fueling the Iraqi insurgency and
> getting large numbers of U.S. soldiers killed.
>
>     Indeed, "Alexander," a U.S. Air Force special operations officer,
> argued that it was his team's abandonment of those harsh tactics that
> contributed to the tracking down and killing of the murderous al-
> Qaeda
> in Iraq leader Abu Musab al-Zarqawi in June 2006, an important
> turning
> point in reducing levels of violence in Iraq.
>
>     "Alexander" said he arrived in Iraq in March 2006, amid the
> bloody
> civil war that Sunni extremist Zarqawi had helped provoke a month
> earlier with the bombing of the golden-domed Askariya mosque in
> Samarra, a shrine revered by Iraq's majority Shiites.
>
>     "Amid the chaos, four other Air Force criminal investigators and
> I
> joined an elite team of interrogators attempting to locate Zarqawi,"
> he wrote. "What I soon discovered about our methods astonished me.
> The
> Army was still conducting interrogations according to the Guantanamo
> Bay model. ... These interrogations were based on fear and control;
> they often resulted in torture and abuse.
>
>     "I refused to participate in such practices, and a month later, I
> extended that prohibition to the team of interrogators I was assigned
> to lead. I taught the members of my unit a new methodology -- one
> based on building rapport with suspects, showing cultural
> understanding and using good old-fashioned brainpower to tease out
> information."
>
>     Breakthroughs
>
>     By getting to know the captives and negotiating with them, his
> team achieved breakthroughs that enabled the U.S. military to close
> in
> on Zarqawi while also gaining a deeper understanding of what drove
> the
> Iraqi insurgency, "Alexander" wrote.
>
>     "Over the course of this renaissance in interrogation tactics,
> our
> attitudes changed. We no longer saw our prisoners as the
> stereotypical
> al-Qaeda evildoers we had been repeatedly briefed to expect; we saw
> them as Sunni Iraqis, often family men protecting themselves from
> Shiite militias and trying to ensure that their fellow Sunnis would
> still have some access to wealth and power in the new Iraq.
>
>     "Most surprisingly, they turned out to despise al-Qaeda in Iraq
> as
> much as they despised us, but Zarqawi and his thugs were willing to
> provide them with arms and money," the interrogator wrote, noting
> that
> this understanding played a key role in the U.S. military turning
> many
> Sunnis against the hyper-violent extremism of Zarqawi's organization.
>
>     "Alexander" added that the new interrogation methods "convinced
> one of Zarqawi's associates to give up the al-Qaeda in Iraq leader's
> location. On June 8, 2006, U.S. warplanes dropped two 500-pound bombs
> on a house where Zarqawi was meeting with other insurgent leaders."
>
>     Despite the success in killing Zarqawi, "Alexander" said the old,
> harsh interrogation methods continued. "I came home from Iraq feeling
> as if my mission was far from accomplished," he wrote. "Soon after my
> return, the public learned that another part of our government, the
> CIA, had repeatedly used waterboarding to try to get information out
> of detainees."
>
>     "Alexander" found that the engrained support for using "rough
> stuff" against hardened jihadists was difficult to overcome despite
> the successes from more subtle approaches.
>
>     "We turned several hard cases, including some foreign fighters,
> by
> using our new techniques," he wrote. "A few of them never abandoned
> the jihadist cause but still gave up critical information. One
> actually told me, 'I thought you would torture me, and when you
> didn't, I decided that everything I was told about Americans was
> wrong. That's why I decided to cooperate.'"
>
>     From hundreds of these interrogations, "Alexander" said he
> learned
> that the images from Guantanamo Bay and Abu Ghraib were actually
> getting American soldiers killed by drawing angry young Arabs into
> the
> Iraq War.
>
>     "Torture and abuse cost American lives," the interrogator wrote.
> "I learned in Iraq that the No. 1 reason foreign fighters flocked
> there to fight were the abuses carried out at Abu Ghraib and
> Guantanamo. Our policy of torture was directly and swiftly recruiting
> fighters for al-Qaeda in Iraq. The large majority of suicide bombings
> in Iraq are still carried out by these foreigners. They are also
> involved in most of the attacks on U.S. and coalition forces in Iraq.
>
>     "It's no exaggeration to say that at least half of our losses and
> casualties in that country have come at the hands of foreigners who
> joined the fray because of our program of detainee abuse. The number
> of U.S. soldiers who have died because of our torture policy will
> never be definitively known, but it is fair to say that it is close
> to
> the number of lives lost on Sept. 11, 2001.
>
>     "How anyone can say that torture keeps Americans safe is beyond
> me
> -- unless you don't count American soldiers as Americans."
>
>     Nevertheless, in a series of candid "exit interviews," Vice
> President Cheney - and to a lesser degree President Bush - have
> defended their actions that included sanctioning brutal methods of
> interrogation, such as the simulated drowning of
> "waterboarding." [See
> Consortiumnews.com's "Cheney Defends Waterboarding Order."]
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