Count on it Turtle!

On Dec 30, 6:30 am, El Tortuga <[email protected]> wrote:
> do you plan on being a whining moonbat this coming new year Mellonhead
> Mike?
>
> On Dec 30, 8:20 am, "mike [never forget] 532"
>
>
>
> <[email protected]> wrote:
> > Two Dangerous Bush-Cheney Mythshttp://www.truthout.org/122908R
> > As George W. Bush and Dick Cheney make their case for some positive
> > legacy from the past eight years, two arguments are playing key
> > roles:
> > the notion that torturing terror suspects saved American lives and
> > the
> > belief that Bush's Iraq troop "surge" transformed a disaster into
> > something close to "victory."
>
> >     Not only will these twin arguments be important in defining the
> > public's future impression of where Bush should rank on the
> > presidential list, but they could constrain how far President Barack
> > Obama can go in reversing these policies. In other words, the
> > perception of the past can affect the future.
>
> >     Though most current thinking holds that George W. Bush might want
> > to trademark the slogan "Worst President Ever," America's powerful
> > right-wing media (and its many allies in the mainstream press) will
> > surely seek to rehabilitate Bush's reputation as much as possible.
>
> >     Even elevating Bush to the status of a presidential mediocrity
> > might open the door for a revival of the Bush Dynasty with brother
> > Jeb
> > already eyeing one of Florida's U.S. Senate seats and possibly
> > harboring grander ambitions.
>
> >     And even if another Bush in the White House is not realistic, a
> > kinder-gentler judgment on George W. Bush at least could help the
> > Republican Party rebound in 2010 and 2012. So evaluating the Bush-
> > Cheney torture policies and how successful the "surge" are not just
> > academic exercises.
>
> >     Two recent articles by people with first-hand knowledge also shed
> > important new light on these issues: one by a lead U.S. interrogator
> > in Iraq and the other by former Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld.
>
> >     The interrogator - using the pseudonym "Matthew Alexander" for an
> > article in the Washington Post's Outlook section on Nov. 30 - wrote
> > that the practice of humiliating and abusing prisoners had proved
> > counterproductive, not only violating U.S. principles and failing to
> > extract reliable intelligence but fueling the Iraqi insurgency and
> > getting large numbers of U.S. soldiers killed.
>
> >     Indeed, "Alexander," a U.S. Air Force special operations officer,
> > argued that it was his team's abandonment of those harsh tactics that
> > contributed to the tracking down and killing of the murderous al-
> > Qaeda
> > in Iraq leader Abu Musab al-Zarqawi in June 2006, an important
> > turning
> > point in reducing levels of violence in Iraq.
>
> >     "Alexander" said he arrived in Iraq in March 2006, amid the
> > bloody
> > civil war that Sunni extremist Zarqawi had helped provoke a month
> > earlier with the bombing of the golden-domed Askariya mosque in
> > Samarra, a shrine revered by Iraq's majority Shiites.
>
> >     "Amid the chaos, four other Air Force criminal investigators and
> > I
> > joined an elite team of interrogators attempting to locate Zarqawi,"
> > he wrote. "What I soon discovered about our methods astonished me.
> > The
> > Army was still conducting interrogations according to the Guantanamo
> > Bay model. ... These interrogations were based on fear and control;
> > they often resulted in torture and abuse.
>
> >     "I refused to participate in such practices, and a month later, I
> > extended that prohibition to the team of interrogators I was assigned
> > to lead. I taught the members of my unit a new methodology -- one
> > based on building rapport with suspects, showing cultural
> > understanding and using good old-fashioned brainpower to tease out
> > information."
>
> >     Breakthroughs
>
> >     By getting to know the captives and negotiating with them, his
> > team achieved breakthroughs that enabled the U.S. military to close
> > in
> > on Zarqawi while also gaining a deeper understanding of what drove
> > the
> > Iraqi insurgency, "Alexander" wrote.
>
> >     "Over the course of this renaissance in interrogation tactics,
> > our
> > attitudes changed. We no longer saw our prisoners as the
> > stereotypical
> > al-Qaeda evildoers we had been repeatedly briefed to expect; we saw
> > them as Sunni Iraqis, often family men protecting themselves from
> > Shiite militias and trying to ensure that their fellow Sunnis would
> > still have some access to wealth and power in the new Iraq.
>
> >     "Most surprisingly, they turned out to despise al-Qaeda in Iraq
> > as
> > much as they despised us, but Zarqawi and his thugs were willing to
> > provide them with arms and money," the interrogator wrote, noting
> > that
> > this understanding played a key role in the U.S. military turning
> > many
> > Sunnis against the hyper-violent extremism of Zarqawi's organization.
>
> >     "Alexander" added that the new interrogation methods "convinced
> > one of Zarqawi's associates to give up the al-Qaeda in Iraq leader's
> > location. On June 8, 2006, U.S. warplanes dropped two 500-pound bombs
> > on a house where Zarqawi was meeting with other insurgent leaders."
>
> >     Despite the success in killing Zarqawi, "Alexander" said the old,
> > harsh interrogation methods continued. "I came home from Iraq feeling
> > as if my mission was far from accomplished," he wrote. "Soon after my
> > return, the public learned that another part of our government, the
> > CIA, had repeatedly used waterboarding to try to get information out
> > of detainees."
>
> >     "Alexander" found that the engrained support for using "rough
> > stuff" against hardened jihadists was difficult to overcome despite
> > the successes from more subtle approaches.
>
> >     "We turned several hard cases, including some foreign fighters,
> > by
> > using our new techniques," he wrote. "A few of them never abandoned
> > the jihadist cause but still gave up critical information. One
> > actually told me, 'I thought you would torture me, and when you
> > didn't, I decided that everything I was told about Americans was
> > wrong. That's why I decided to cooperate.'"
>
> >     From hundreds of these interrogations, "Alexander" said he
> > learned
> > that the images from Guantanamo Bay and Abu Ghraib were actually
> > getting American soldiers killed by drawing angry young Arabs into
> > the
> > Iraq War.
>
> >     "Torture and abuse cost American lives," the interrogator wrote.
> > "I learned in Iraq that the No. 1 reason foreign fighters flocked
> > there to fight were the abuses carried out at Abu Ghraib and
> > Guantanamo. Our policy of torture was directly and swiftly recruiting
> > fighters for al-Qaeda in Iraq. The large majority of suicide bombings
> > in Iraq are still carried out by these foreigners. They are also
> > involved in most of the attacks on U.S. and coalition forces in Iraq.
>
> >     "It's no exaggeration to say that at least half of our losses and
> > casualties in that country have come at the hands of foreigners who
> > joined the fray because of our program of detainee abuse. The number
> > of U.S. soldiers who have died because of our torture policy will
> > never be definitively known, but it is fair to say that it is close
> > to
> > the number of lives lost on Sept. 11, 2001.
>
> >     "How anyone can say that torture keeps Americans safe is beyond
> > me
> > -- unless you don't count American soldiers as Americans."
>
> >     Nevertheless, in a series of candid "exit interviews," Vice
> > President Cheney - and to a lesser degree President Bush - have
> > defended their actions that included sanctioning brutal methods of
> > interrogation, such as the simulated drowning of
> > "waterboarding." [See
> > Consortiumnews.com's "Cheney Defends Waterboarding Order."]- Hide quoted 
> > text -
>
> - Show quoted text -
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