S0 instead its ok to have a President president of QUESTIONABLE birth....AND 
its NOT the PRESIDENT who runs the country ANYWAY....ITS THE HOUSE OF 
REPRESENTATIVES.

 

 sILVER bELLE




Date: Sat, 27 Jun 2009 10:06:11 -0400
To: [email protected]
From: [email protected]
Subject: Re: First African American President !




Keith in Tampa

   During the last fifty years, the Republican Party 

   has in general,  been the political party of, and 

   home to those Americans who believe in traditional 

<snip>

   First and foremost, is "Less Government; and Less 

   Government Intrusion Into Each And Every 

   American's Life".   Yes, Jack, the economy is
important, 

   but government has no place in trying to manipulate our


   economy.   The federal government's stewardship
and 

<snip>


MJ

Yep that is how the Rs TALK and CAMPAIGN.  A pity they

demonstrate zero interest in 'ruling' that way.


Regard$,

--MJ




The Origins of the GOP

by Thomas J. DiLorenzo


Some very silly books have been
written about the history of the Republican Party (and the Democrat
Party). They tend to read like The Story of Moses, with Christ-like
figures overcoming tremendous roadblocks to achieve greatness and
sanctify not only themselves, but the entire nation. They are usually
written by political hacks and funded rather surreptitiously by various
business and other special-interest groups that are associated with the
Party. Such books, of course, are pure baloney: "GOP" should
really stand for "Gang Of
Plunderers."


The Party of Plunder


As soon as the newly-created GOP gained enough power in the late
1850s, the first thing it did was to get the U.S. House of
Representatives to pass the protectionist Morrill Tariff during the
1859–60 session, before Lincoln’s election and before any southern state
had seceded. The Party then vigorously defended southern slavery. Two
days before Lincoln’s inauguration, after the seven states of the lower
South had seceded and taken their fourteen senators with them, the
Republican-controlled U.S. Senate passed a constitutional amendment (that
had already passed the House) that would have forbidden the federal
government from ever interfering with southern slavery. Two days later,
Lincoln would pledge his support for this amendment in his first
inaugural address, saying he preferred that the defense of slavery in the
Constitution be made "express and irrevocable." He also
promised in that same address a federal invasion of any state that failed
to collect the newly-doubled U.S. tariff rate. 


The GOP opposed the extension of slavery to the new territories,
not southern slavery, and it did so for the basest of reasons. Reason
number one was the desire to keep all blacks – slave or free – from the
territories, which the Party wanted to be an all-white preserve. To the
GOP "free soil" meant soil that was free of black people, not
freedom per se. That’s why states like Illinois, "Land of
Lincoln," had previously amended their constitutions to make it
illegal for black people to move into them. The few blacks who did reside
in these areas had virtually no citizenship rights and were grossly
discriminated against in all aspects of their lives.


The second reason for opposing the extension of slavery to the new
territories was to limit congressional representation of the Democratic
Party, which would have been increased due to the Three-Fifths Clause of
the U.S. Constitution, which allowed for every five slaves to be counted
as three persons for purposes of determining the number of congressional
representatives in each state. Thus, pork-barrel politics and white
supremacy were the reasons the "Grand Old Party" gave for
opposing the extension of slavery in 1860. 


As for politics, the purpose of the GOP’s quest for political domination
was so that it could finally adopt the old mercantilist economic agenda
of the Whigs, who were mostly transformed into Republicans when the Whig
Party fell apart in the early 1850s. Once the south seceded, and the
Southern Democrats left Congress, the GOP immediately pushed through the
entire Whig economic agenda. 


Lincoln’s "New Deal"


Incapable of ever doing anything but praising the early GOP, most
contemporary historians, who are largely ignorant of economics, praise
this "achievement" to the treetops. A good example of this
appears in the October 2004 issue of The Smithsonian magazine, in
an essay by Lincoln biographer David Donald entitled "1860: The Road
Not Taken." The essay is part of a "what if" symposium
that poses the question of what America would look like had the outcomes
of the presidential elections of 1860, 1912, 1932, and 1980 been
different.


Donald zeroes in on the Lincoln administration’s "social
legislation." Had Lincoln not been elected, the Pulitzer
Prize-winning biographer writes, a sizeable Democratic minority in
Congress




Would have blocked the important economic and social legislation
enacted by the Republicans during the Civil War. Thus, there would likely
have been no high tariff laws that protected the iron industry, so
essential in postwar economic development, no Homestead Act giving 160
acres to settlers willing to occupy and till land out West, no
transcontinental railroad legislation, no land-grant colleges, no
national currency or national banking system, no Department of
Agriculture to offer expert guidance on better seeds and improved
tillage. Without such legislation, the economic takeoff that made the
United States a major industrial power by the end of the century would
have been prevented . . .



Like most Lincoln scholars who comment on economic issues, Donald is
mostly ignorant of the subject he is speaking of. Protectionist tariffs
made the U.S. steel industry lazy and inefficient by isolating it from
the rigors of international competition. Consequently, it became a
perpetual whiner and complainer about the "unfairness" of
competition – the spoiled brat of the American economy. For decades, it
has lobbied for protectionism that has plundered the American consumer,
made the industry even lazier and more inefficient, allowing it to pander
to its unions and their grossly inefficient featherbedding rules, and
generally made it far less competitive that it would have been under
a free trade regime. Despite a century of "protection," the
steel industry has all but disappeared from my home state of
Pennsylvania, for example. 


Furthermore, the higher steel prices caused by protectionist tariffs have
always been harmful to American steel-using industries, which
includes virtually all of American manufacturing. Thus, GOP protectionism
was a serious drag on American industrial success during the late
nineteenth century, contrary to Donald’s assertions. American industry
grew despite these foolish and counterproductive policies, not
because of them. 


Late nineteenth-century tariff protection was especially harmful to
American agriculture. American farmers have always sold a large portion
of their output on foreign markets. Tariffs that reduce the volume of
international trade end up reducing the amount of money that our foreign
trading partners have with which to purchase American goods, especially
American agricultural output. That’s why the farmers of the Midwest were
vociferous proponents of free trade during the late nineteenth century.
GOP protectionism did far more harm to American farmers than any
conceivable good that David Donald’s beloved U.S. Department of
Agriculture bureaucracy could ever have done. Not to mention the fact
that our trading partners often retaliated with protectionist policies of
their own that blocked the sale of American goods in their countries.



As for the Homestead Act, the majority of the land given away under the
Act, as historian Ludwell Johnson has shown, went to timber and mining
companies, most assuredly in return for political campaign contributions
from those same companies. And the giving away of the land, as opposed to
selling it, was a political impetus to keep tariff rates high – and
economically destructive – during this pre-income tax era when the
majority of federal revenues came from the tariff. 


The government-subsidized transcontinental railroads were arguably the
worst examples in all of American history of the corruption and
inefficiency that is always associated with government "public
works" projects (See Burton Folsom,

The Myth of the Robber Barons). They resulted in the Credit
Mobilier scandal of the Grant administration, and fueled the arguments of
the "progressive movement" to have government regulate and
control American business. By contrast, James J. Hill built his highly
successful transcontinental railroad, the Great Northern, without a dime
of government subsidy. 


Land-grant colleges opened the door to the politicization of higher
education that plagues virtually every American college and university
today, and is the inevitable result of the politicization of education.
The Department of Agriculture was never necessary to educate farmers
about the latest seeds; the free market can handle such tasks much more
efficiently. Instead, the Department of Agriculture has always been,
first and foremost, an enforcer of the agricultural cartel operated by
federal politicians on behalf of a very important political bloc,
farmers. It is the U.S.D.A. that paid farmers for not raising crops and
livestock during the Great Depression, when thousands were starving or
suffering from malnutrition. Its programs of paying farmers for not
farming have always been simply special-interest politics designed to
allow federal politicians to buy votes (with taxpayers’ money) from farm
communities by plundering American consumers with the higher food prices
that are caused by these policies.


The Lincoln administration’s banking legislation, which Donald also
praises, was a precursor to the inflationary-spiral and
depression-generating policies of the Fed. They replaced what economic
historian Jeffrey Hummel described as the most stable banking system in
American history, the so-called free-banking system that existed in the
two decades prior to the war, and opened the door to a tremendous
centralization of governmental power. That of course is exactly what the
Republican Party, comprised of the political descendants of the
Federalists and the Whigs, always wanted. 


As economists Mark Thornton and Robert Ekelund, Jr., note in their book,

Tariffs, Blockades, and Inflation: The Economics of the Civil War
(p. 99):




The flurry of new laws, regulations, and bureaucracies created by
President Lincoln and the Republican Party is reminiscent of Franklin
Roosevelt’s New Deal in the 1930s, for the volume, scope, and
questionable constitutionality of its legislative output. . . . [I]t
should not be too surprising to learn that the term "New Deal"
was actually coined in March 1865 by a newspaper editor in Raleigh to
characterize Lincoln and the Republicans and persuade North Carolina
voters to rejoin the Union. The massive expansion of the federal
government into the economy led [historian] Daniel Elazar to claim that
"one could easily call Lincoln’s presidency the New Deal of the
1860s."



The historian Daniel Elazar who is cited by Thornton and Ekelund put
together the following table to characterize "Lincoln’s New
Deal":


Lincoln’s New Deal

Morrill Tariff (1861) 
First Income Tax (1861) 
Expanded Postal Service
(1861) 
Homestead Act (1862) 
Morrill Land-Grant College Act
(1862) 
Department of Agriculture
(1862) 
Bureau of Printing and Engraving
(1862) 
Transcontinental Railroad Grants
(1862, 1863, 1864) 
National Banking Acts (1863,
1864, 1865, 1866) 
Comptroller of the Currency
(1863) 
National Academy of Sciences
(1863) 
"Free" Urban Mail
Delivery (1863) 
Yosemite Nature Reserve Land
Grant (1864) 
Contract Labor Act (1864) 
Office of Immigration
(1864) 
Railway Mail Service
(1864) 
Money Order System (1864)




Source: Daniel Elazar,
"Comment," in D. Gilchrest and W. Lewis, eds. Economic Change
in the Civil War Era (1965), pp. 98–99.


More importantly than this
legislation, the GOP orchestrated the abolition of the voluntary
union of the founding fathers and in its place put a non-voluntary,
consolidated empire, waging total war on fellow citizens for four long
years in order to succeed. Their stated motives were never to abolish
southern slavery, as mentioned above, but they skillfully used the slaves
as pawns in their imperialistic scheme, causing the U.S. to become the
only nation on earth in the nineteenth century to associate the violence
of war with the abolition of slavery. The GOP continued to use the
ex-slaves as political pawns during "Reconstruction," a
twelve-year plundering expedition throughout the South. When the military
occupation ended in 1877, the hapless ex-slaves were then left to fend
for themselves against a vengeful population. The Gang of Plunderers did
nothing to help them, for Reconstruction was over and they voted
overwhelmingly Republican anyway. 


Having declared that it possessed "a treasury of virtue" for
having "saved the union" and freed the slaves, the GOP then
enjoyed a monopoly of political power for decades. Such
"virtue" was immediately used to wage a campaign of ethnic
genocide against the Plains Indians – to make way for the
government-subsidized railroads, announced General Sherman, who was the
commanding general of the campaign for many years. The South – and the
rest of the country as well – was plundered by protectionist tariffs for
the next fifty years by the "virtuous" GOP, primarily for the
benefit of the Party’s big-business supporters. 


To this day politicians – especially Republican Politicians – use the
fake history of the origins of the GOP as the Party of Saints during the
Lincoln era to "justify" any and all manner of interventions,
from an expanded welfare state, to the nationalization of the education
system, to the current regime’s attempt at imperialistic conquest in the
Middle East. But in reality it’s the same old Gang of Plunderers.










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