Despite New Deficit-Cutting Claim, Baucus Bill Is Just Tax-and-Spend

by Michael D. Tanner

**

*This article appeared in the *Investor's Business
Daily<http://www.investors.com/>
* on October 8, 2009.*
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he Senate Finance Committee's version of health care reform is being hailed
as a model of bipartisan moderation. One Republican may even vote for it.

And it's undeniably an improvement over the bill approved early by the
Senate Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions Committee, or the one making
its way ever so slowly through the House.

But that's a low bar. In reality, the Finance Committee bill still
represents a radical government takeover of the U.S. health care system.

Let's start with the price tag. According to the report just released by the
Congressional Budget Office, the bill will cost roughly $829 billion over
the next 10 years. And, significantly, it is even projected to reduce the
budget deficit over 10 years by $81 billion. Of course, both those numbers
are misleading.

he overall tax increases in the bill are more than double the amount of
deficit reduction.

The $829 billion cost is for the next 10 years, 2010-2019, but the most
expensive provisions of the bill don't take effect until July of 2013. The
cost over the bill's first 10 years of actual operation is closer to $1.3
trillion.

In addition, the bill assumes that Congress will implement a 21% reduction
in Medicare payments that is already scheduled under current law. The only
problem is that Congress has been supposed to make those reductions since
2003 — and never has. There is no reason to believe it will do so this time
either.

Most importantly, the bill does not achieve its deficit reduction by
controlling spending or reducing health care costs. In fact, by the end of
the 10-year budget window, the cost of the program is expected to be growing
at 8% per year. But revenue from the bill's new taxes would be growing
between 10% and 15% per year.

In particular, the bill imposes a 40% excise tax on health insurance plans
that offer benefits in excess of $8,000 for an individual plan and $21,000
for a family plan. Insurers would almost certainly pass this tax on to
consumers via higher premiums.

As inflation pushed insurance premiums higher in coming years, more and more
middle-class families would find themselves caught up in the tax — providing
the government with more revenue.

The overall tax increases in the bill are more than double the amount of
deficit reduction. This isn't a health care efficiency bill or a
cost-containment bill. It is a tax-and-spend bill, pure and simple.
<http://www.cato.org/people/michael-tanner>

*Michael Tanner <http://www.cato.org/people/michael-tanner> is a senior
fellow at the Cato Institute and coauthor of *Healthy Competition: What's
Holding Back Health Care and How to Free
It<http://www.catostore.org/index.asp?fa=ProductDetails&method=cats&scid=33&pid=1441272>
*.*
More by Michael D. Tanner <http://www.cato.org/people/michael-tanner>

And, when not raising taxes, the bill simply pushes costs on to others. For
example, the bill would push $35 billion in Medicaid costs off onto already
cash-strapped state governments. Other costs would be offloaded onto
businesses and individuals.

Nor should it be forgotten that this bill would still give the government
the power to force most Americans to purchase insurance, and allow the
government to dictate what benefits insurance should offer.

People who have health insurance today — and like it — would have to switch
to the government-approved plan, even if it was more expensive or contained
benefits that they didn't want. That insurance will likely be more
expensive, because the bill contains a host of new insurance regulations
that will drive up premiums, especially for the young and healthy.

Others could lose their current insurance as well, including the 10 million
Americans with health savings accounts (HSAs) and the one in five seniors
currently on Medicare Advantage plans. The bill guts both programs.

Numerous other provisions would allow the government to interfere with how
doctors practice medicine — for example, cutting Medicare reimbursements to
providers whose utilization is in the 90th percentile or above compared to
national averages, that is, doctors who do more procedures than the
government thinks they should.

With all this, the bill still leaves 25 million people uninsured.

If that's moderation, it's just not good enough.

On Mon, Oct 12, 2009 at 2:42 PM, jgg1000a <[email protected]> wrote:

>
> It seems the bills does not have a truthful cost estimate due to
> "fuzzy" language...  And that leads to "fuzzy" math...  The devil is
> in the details
>
>
> http://www.washingtonexaminer.com/politics/_Conceptual-language_-hides-health-care_s-cost-8365838-63891382.html
>
> >>> Some of the headlines in recent days are not worthy of belief. No, I'm
> not referring to the headlines that Barack Obama won the Nobel Peace Prize,
> however odd that many seem to many (including, it seems, Obama himself). I'm
> referring to the headlines earlier in the week to the effect that the health
> care bill sponsored by Senate Finance Committee Chairman Max Baucus will cut
> the federal deficit by $81 billion over the next ten years.
>
> Yes, that is what the Congressional Budget Office estimated. But, as
> the CBO noted, there's no actual Baucus bill, just some "conceptual
> language." Actual language, the CBO noted, might result in
> "significant changes" in its estimates. No wonder Democratic
> congressional leaders killed requirements that the actual language be
> posted on the Internet for 72 hours before Congress votes.
>
> More significant is the number most publications did not put in their
> headlines and lead paragraphs: the CBO's estimate that the Baucus
> "conceptual language" would increase federal spending by $829 billion
> over ten years. So how do you increase federal spending and cut the
> deficit at the same time?
> >
>

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