<http://www.politico.com>

*Who's in charge -- generals or Obama?*
By: David Rogers
December 6, 2009 10:34 PM EST

Gen. Stanley McChrystal 
<http://www.politico.com/news/stories/1209/30085.html>, the U.S. 
commander in Afghanistan, goes before Congress this week, and with him 
comes this question: Who's really in charge here, the generals or 
President Barack Obama?

The long-awaited hearings, beginning Tuesday before the House and Senate 
Armed Services committees, are a bookend of sorts to Obama's address 
last Tuesday <http://www.politico.com/news/stories/1209/30093.html> at 
West Point committing 30,000 more troops to the war effort in 
Afghanistan. Implicit in the president's decision is an effective cap of 
about 100,000 for the American force, but top Democrats fear that unless 
Obama is more assertive, the military chain of command will undermine 
his July 2011 target to begin some U.S. withdrawal.

"The president's decision 
<http://www.politico.com/news/stories/1209/30248.html> is already being 
softened and made mush of," Senate Armed Services Committee Chairman 
Carl Levin (D-Mich.) told POLITICO. And within the House and Senate 
Appropriations committees, senior Democrats --- themselves veterans of 
past wars --- have grown increasingly concerned by the political clout 
of a generation of younger, often press-savvy military commanders.

McChrystal and his strong ally, Gen. David Petraeus, commander of the 
U.S. Central Command, are quotable stars in today's modern media; their 
wartime budgets not only are large but also give them exceptional 
discretion that is the envy of their foreign policy partners in the 
State Department.

The September leak of McChrystal's confidential report on the need for 
more troops helped box in Obama and quickly became grist for the 
Republican political mill. Even before that, Rep. John Murtha 
<http://topics.politico.com/index.cfm/topic/JohnMurtha> (D-Pa.), 
chairman of the House defense appropriations panel, complained of what 
he saw as a pattern of news reports from the military in Afghanistan 
promoting a buildup. And while Obama has a retired general of his own in 
National Security Adviser Jim Jones, the 65-year-old Marine four-star 
has not been the counterweight that many of his admirers had predicted.

"I've always believed that the president of the United States is the 
commander in chief," said Senate Appropriations Committee Chairman 
Daniel Inouye (D-Hawaii), who was awarded the Medal of Honor in World 
War II. "It concerns me when I see my president, the commander in chief, 
having to debate with generals. They can do that privately, but he 
should be able to say to General A, 'This is the way we're going to do 
our business.' ... I would expect generals to advise the president but 
not to go public."

The U.S. ambassador to Afghanistan, retired Lt. Gen. Karl Eikenberry --- 
whose own cables critical of a military buildup were leaked in November 
--- appears alongside McChrystal this week. And having them side by side 
underscores the need for greater clarity and cooperation going forward.

"The pace [of withdrawal] is condition-based. The location is 
condition-based. But what wasn't condition-based is the beginning," 
Levin said of the July 2011 date. "I want to see if McChrystal says, 
yes, he understands that."
"Second, does he support it? He's not obligated to. I'm asking for his 
honest personal opinion. If he has a different opinion, he should tell 
us. He's obligated to tell us. ... Their advice should be private, ... 
with the one caveat [that] if they are asked by a congressional 
committee for their best professional opinion, they are duty bound to 
give it to us."

For all the tensions, independent observers say the driving force behind 
Obama's decision was the deteriorating security situation in Afghanistan 
and Pakistan, and Jones couldn't be expected to stand down the military. 
"Our system is a dialectical one. Countering forces produce a 
'synthesis,'" said one Washington veteran of past war debates. But much 
will rest now on Defense Secretary Robert Gates 
<http://www.politico.com/news/stories/1209/30250.html> to make the 
decision stick --- and be a bridge between the uniformed military and 
White House.

Together with Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, Gates dominated House 
and Senate hearings last week on the president's decision, and the two 
were prominent on Sunday morning new shows 
<http://www.politico.com/news/stories/1209/30262.html>, as well.

July 2011 is "the beginning of a process," Gates told NBC News's "Meet 
the Press" and one that he estimated could run three to four years past 
that date. "We will begin to thin our forces and begin to bring them 
home. But the pace of that ... will depend on circumstances on the 
ground. And those judgments will be made by our commanders in the field."

Just as important, in Senate testimony last week, Gates said what has 
been left unsaid by others: that the military establishment agrees no 
more troops will be requested beyond the current planned surge.

This came in a little-noticed exchange in the Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee, where Gates first spelled out that he has been given the 
discretion to add 3,000 support personnel beyond the combat brigades, 
bringing the so-called surge component to potentially 33,000.

"You have no doubt that we will not be adding more troops to Afghanistan 
after this deployment, outside of the 3,000 potentially that you have 
may have to add?" asked Sen. Ted Kaufman (D-Del.).

"That is the commitment that we have made to the president," Gates said.

That Kaufman pursued this question was not entirely surprising: His 
former boss, Vice President Joe Biden, was among those most leery of 
McChrystal's initial troop request. But it also shows how much the 
administration, beginning with the president, wants to beat down any 
comparisons to the steady escalation of troops committed to Vietnam in 
the '60s.

"So this is not like ... comparisons to Vietnam. This is not even like 
Iraq," Kaufman said in reply to Gates. "This is a firm commitment by the 
president of the United States, agreed by the major foreign policy 
strategic planners in our government, that in July 2011 we're going to 
start drawing down troops and we're not going to be adding more troops."

To be sure, implementing that decision --- like Vietnam --- is easier 
said than done, and one of the ironies of the debate thus far is that 
while the administration keeps saying this isn't Vietnam, they keep 
talking about it.

In explaining the "unholy alliance" of Al Qaeda and Taliban forces, 
Gates suddenly felt compelled to double-back and say he wasn't restating 
a new domino theory --- made famous by Lyndon B. Johnson's insistence 
that the U.S. would be fighting on "the beaches of Waikiki" if Vietnam 
fell to the communists. Clinton herself spoke of "Afghanization" --- 
echoing then-President Richard Nixon's "Vietnamization" policy in 1969. 
And in the long press accounts Sunday of their own decision making, 
White House aides --- many of whom grew up after Vietnam --- made a 
point that they'd gone back and read Gordon Goldstein's 2008 "Lessons in 
Disaster" on McGeorge Bundy, a key adviser to both John F. Kennedy and 
Johnson on the Indochina war.

In truth, there's nothing about the U.S. involvement in Afghanistan thus 
far that matches the murderous killing in Vietnam --- and nothing quite 
like North Vietnam itself, which was able to send large, even 
mechanized, forces into the South to support insurgent guerrillas.

But the presence of porous borders, the challenge of building and 
partnering with the Afghan security forces and the large costs to the 
American taxpayer are all real --- and similar to Vietnam.

Most focus has been on the immediate cost of the added troops this year 
and a forthcoming supplemental spending bill that could approach $40 
billion, when added funds for the State Department's "civilian surge" 
are added. But this is only a first payment, and given Gates's and 
Clinton's answers, the increased commitment knocks a far larger hole in 
Obama's budget.

Until now, the administration has estimated it could get through fiscal 
2010, ending next Sept. 30, with $130 billion for overseas contingency 
funds for Iraq and Afghanistan. From 2011 through 2014, it predicted it 
would need only $50 billion annually since the pace of the U.S. 
withdrawal from Iraq is to accelerate over the coming year.

In fact, these numbers will clearly be inadequate, and in 2011 alone, 
whatever happens in July that year, the war-related costs will be 
double, if not triple, what's projected.

Perhaps the most difficult challenge for McChrystal in this same period 
is the planned buildup of Afghan forces, who must be prepared to begin 
taking over territory from McChrystal's troops in 18 months. In this 
case, both he and Obama are paying a huge price for the lack of 
investment under the Bush administration, and the U.S. must run at 
almost double-time pace to catch up with where it wants to be.

Gates has testified that the goal is to have an Afghan army of 170,000 
by July 2011, but Adm. Mike Mullen, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of 
Staff, told senators that only about 98,000 Afghan troops are trained to 
date, and many of them are not yet in the field.

In a year's time, the goal is to have this number at 134,000, but the 
lack of Afghan partners poses a more immediate challenge in deciding 
where the U.S. can now best target its own military operations against 
Taliban strongholds in the Kandahar and Helmand regions.

How long can the U.S. hold an area --- without Afghan partners --- and 
not appear to be an occupying force to villagers most affected? It's a 
decision for McChrystal in the field but also one that has to be watched 
closely for Obama, now that this is his war, as well.

"He's got to be very, very much on top of the type of missions and the 
way in which these troops are deployed," Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee Chairman John Kerry (D-Mass.) told POLITICO. "It's clear to me 
that there are limitations. We should not be going in, clearing and 
holding areas where we don't have the ability to come in immediately 
with Afghans."

"If we don't, we're going to be digging ourselves a hole," he said. 
"[Obama] has to very careful not to allow that to happen."

© 2009 Capitol News Company, LLC

        <http://www.irides.com>

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