The Fightin' Side of
Tea<http://reason.com/blog/2010/04/16/the-fightin-side-of-tea>

Posted on April 16, 2010, 5:45PM | *Jesse
Walker<http://reason.com/people/jesse-walker>
*

[image: "Ninety-two percent of us believe Mr. Obama is moving the country
toward socialism."]We've seen two serious surveys of Tea Party opinion
recently,one<http://winstongroup.net/2010/04/01/behind-the-headlines-whats-driving-the-tea-party-movement/>
from
the Winston Group and
one<http://www.nytimes.com/2010/04/15/us/politics/15poll.html> from
CBS and *The New York Times*. They certainly aren't the last word on the
subject, and there's still a lot to be learned about a movement whose very
identity is up for grabs. But these polls are what we've got, and the
comments on the results are rolling in, notably in a
symposium<http://roomfordebate.blogs.nytimes.com/2010/04/15/what-tea-party-backers-want>published
yesterday on the*New York Times* site.

One essay there comes from the liberal historian Rick
Perlstein<http://reason.com/archives/2008/06/10/the-age-of-nixon>,
who dismisses the demonstrations as "the shrieking of a small minority." I
can't endorse that opinion, but in the course of making his case Perlstein
does raise an important point. Such movements, he writes, "accompany every
ascendancy of liberalism within U.S. government":

"When was the last time you saw such a spontaneous eruption of conservative
grass-roots anger, coast to coast?" asked the professional conservative L.
Brent Bozell III recently. The answer, of course, is: in 1993. And 1977. And
1961. And so on.

This is true. And if the topic is Tea Party opinion, those recurring
eruptions present a natural experiment.

Take the much-discussed subject of race. It's often noted that the Tea
Parties didn't really take
off<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rick_Santelli#Criticism_of_government_Homeowners_Affordability_and_Stability_Plan>until
Barack Obama became president, even though the Bush administration pushed
through some egregious
interventions<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Troubled_Asset_Relief_Program>
in
the economy. The standard explanation for this is that many Tea Partiers are
more alarmed by big government when the Democrats are in power than when the
White House is held by a Republican. But some have suggested that the real
issue here is Obama's skin color.

[image: Nothing but a redface minstrel show.]The way this usually plays out
is (a) someone zeroes in on a Tea Party type who has
expressed<http://tpmmuckraker.talkingpointsmemo.com/2010/04/tea_party_gov_candidates_racist_sexually_graphic_e.php>
something
racist, and then (b) everyone argues about how typical he is. It might be
more fruitful, though, to try to compare the levels of prejudice in the Tea
Parties and in those previous surges in conservative activity. Having been
an adult engaged with politics both in the 1990s and today, I can report
confidently that racial resentment was much more apparent in the right-wing
activism of two decades ago than now, even though the president who took
office in 1993 was white. You don't see a lot of people trying to rally the
troops by invoking racial quotas these days, for example. There's much less
of a racial edge to the discussions of welfare, too. The majority of the
racism that you *do* see on the right today is aimed at Mexicans. That's
bad, but it doesn't fit the "they hate Obama because he's black" narrative.

To judge from the historical record, the '90s right was in turn less racist
than the right-wing surge of the '70s. (One rarely-noted fact about the
Clinton era is that prejudice grew less popular not just in the mainstream
right but on the *radical* right. There's a marked difference between
the militias
of the 
'90s<http://reason.com/archives/2009/09/15/the-paranoid-center/singlepage>
and
the far-right groups of the '80s and earlier.) I'd argue that this reflects
a long-term decline in both overt and coded anti-black sentiment throughout
American society. Other shifts on the right represent short-term changes. In
the '90s, for example, grassroots conservatives reacted to the end of the
Cold War by becoming much more suspicious of both military action abroad and
the national security state at home. You can find such views in the Tea
Parties today, thanks largely to the Ron Paul contingent, but the War on
Terror has restored a lot of those old hawkish reflexes.

Back to the *New York Times* symposium. The worst entry comes from Alan
Wolfe, who trots out the old "status anxiety" explanation for right-wing
sentiment that was popular in the middle of the 20th century and has been
rejected by most serious historians and social scientists since then. (For
some background on the rise and fall of that school of thought, read Leo
Ribuffo's "What Underlies Obama's Analysis of 'The
People'<http://hnn.us/articles/49348.html>.")
But while I wouldn't look to Wolfe for insights into the Tea Parties, his
comments do offer a glimpse into the mindset of a certain sort of Tea Party
critic. Consider this passage:

These are not farmers thrown off the land by mechanization or workers
stripped of their livelihood through globalization. In the great game of
social mobility there are more winners among them than losers.

Yet despite their relatively comfortable private positions, these people are
anything but content with the public life of their country. Ninety-two
percent of them think the U. S. is on the wrong track. Over half of them (53
percent) are angry, but there is no agreement about them about what they are
angry about.

They are no great fans of any particular leader because they distrust all
leaders. Such response might make sense if we lived in a society that
allowed little room for economic advancement, suspended elections when its
ruling class did not like the results, or possessed no Bill of Rights. But
we actually live in a country that people attracted to the right claim to
love.

Last month David Brooks
suggested<http://www.nytimes.com/2010/03/05/opinion/05brooks.html>
that
the Tea Parties resemble the New Left. I don't know about that, but the Tea
Parties' *critics* sure can sound like the New Left's foes. Up until that
last sentence, Wolfe's words are indistinguishable from an angry
conservative complaining about those overprivileged kids burning down the
campuses, circa 1970. *They love our milk and honey/But they preach about
some other way of living/When they're runnin' down my country, hoss/They're
walkin' on the fightin' side of me.*

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