Yes, Tommy, the articles totally debunk the horse hockey that you wrote.

On Tue, Oct 19, 2010 at 12:27 PM, Tommy News <[email protected]> wrote:

> Thanks for all this.
>
>
>
> On 10/19/10, MJ <[email protected]> wrote:
>  > The Myth of Energy Deregulation
> > Monday, November 07, 2005
> > by Adam Summers
> >
> > While the initiatives on the upcoming November 8 California special
> election
> > ballot backed by Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger have been receiving all
> of
> > the media attention, another initiative that addresses an important issue
> is
> > being overlooked. Proposition 80, the so-called "Repeal of Electricity
> > Deregulation and Blackout Prevention" initiative, would make some
> > significant ­ and detrimental ­ changes in the state's energy policy.
> >
> > The fact that even a government regulatory body such as the California
> > Public Utilities Commission (PUC) is actually against a measure that
> would
> > increase its regulatory powers should tell you something right off the
> bat
> > about the merits of Prop. 80.
> >
> > California energy consumers are currently served by one of three types of
> > providers: investor-owned utilities (IOUs), local publicly-owned electric
> > utilities, and independent electric service providers (ESPs). Before the
> > state's "deregulation" experiment of the 1990s was suspended in 2001
> during
> > California's energy crisis, customers could choose to purchase their
> > electricity services directly from ESPs through "direct access"
> contracts,
> > rather than through an intermediary such as the local IOU or public
> utility.
> >
> >
> > Proposition 80 Would Reduce Consumer Choice and Increase Costs
> >
> > Proposition 80 would permanently prevent all customers receiving
> electricity
> > services from an IOU from switching to an ESP, effectively eliminating
> any
> > new direct access (existing direct access contracts would be
> grandfathered
> > in).[1] Thus, under Prop. 80, instead of having the option to buy
> > electricity directly from independent producers, consumers would have no
> > choice but to buy their electricity from utilities. By effectively
> > eliminating an entire class of providers, the state has stifled
> competition
> > (and would continue to do so), thereby leading to higher prices and,
> likely,
> > lower-quality service.
> >
> > The effect of this provision on prices would be significant. ESP
> customers
> > include hospitals, local governments, the California State University
> > system, several University of California campuses, community college
> > districts, and local school districts. The nonpartisan Legislative
> Analyst's
> > Office (LAO) estimates that the UC system alone saves about $12 million
> per
> > year by purchasing its electricity from a lower-cost independent
> provider.
> >
> > According to Mike Florio, an attorney for The Utility Reform Network
> (TURN,
> > one of the chief proponents of Prop. 80 that helped craft the measure),
> the
> > ability of consumers to purchase electricity directly from independent
> > service providers "destabilizes the whole business … and we'll truly be
> at
> > the mercy of the gods of the free market."[2] How dare people be able to
> > choose whom they want to do business with! I suppose TURN hired Mr.
> Florio
> > not for his legal expertise, but rather by the sheer providence of the
> > "free-market gods."
> >
> >
> > Proposition 80 Would Impede Innovation and Efficiency
> >
> > Another provision of Prop. 80 would prohibit the broader implementation
> of
> > "dynamic pricing" of electricity without the consent of the consumer.
> > Currently, all but the largest energy consumers pay a flat rate for
> > electricity that does not vary by the time of day. Clearly, energy use is
> > not constant throughout the day, however. There are certain "peak" hours
> of
> > the day when consumers use lots of electricity, and "non-peak" hours when
> > they use very little. The costs of providing electricity vary
> accordingly.
> > As such, the IOUs have submitted proposals to the PUC to charge all
> > consumers higher rates during peak hours and lower rates during non-peak
> > hours. This price discrimination would be accomplished through the use of
> > high-tech "smart" meters.
> >
> > In addition to making good sense ­ one should pay more for something when
> it
> > is in higher demand ­ dynamic pricing would encourage conservation via
> the
> > pricing mechanism. Dynamic pricing would be a more efficient system
> because
> > higher prices would discourage some from consuming such a scarce resource
> > while ensuring that those who place the highest value on energy use are
> > still able to consume it. Similarly, those who have some flexibility over
> > when they consume their energy would be encouraged to utilize it during
> > non-peak hours, thus placing less strain on the system.
> >
> > Allowing the consumer to opt out of a dynamic pricing model would be like
> > forcing a hotel owner to offer customers the choice of the nightly room
> rate
> > or an average of the nightly room rates throughout the week. Since
> > significantly more people stay at hotels during the weekend, rates are
> much
> > higher on Friday and Saturday nights. The average weekly rate, however,
> > would be higher than normal weekday rates but lower than normal weekend
> > rates. The cheaper "opt-out" weekend rates and higher weekday rates would
> > encourage even more people to stay during the weekend and fewer to stay
> > during the week. The result would be a shortage of hotel rooms during the
> > weekend and a loss of revenue for the hotel owner. No wonder demand
> strains
> > the electrical grids during hot summer days.
> >
> >
> > Environmental Issues
> >
> > Under current regulations, energy producers must increase the portion of
> > energy derived from renewable energy sources ­ such as solar, wind, and
> > hydroelectric ­ by one percent per year until 2017, when 20 percent of
> the
> > energy produced must come from these sources. Proposition 80 would
> > accelerate this deadline to 2010. Interestingly, some environmentalists
> > oppose Prop. 80 because a provision requiring a two-thirds vote of the
> > Legislature to amend the measure could make it more difficult to increase
> > the renewable energy standard in the future.
> >
> > According to the LAO's analysis, Prop. 80 would also require that "the
> first
> > priority for IOUs in procuring new electricity is to be from
> > 'cost-effective' energy efficiency and conservation programs, followed by
> > 'cost-effective' renewable resources, and then from traditional sources
> such
> > as fossil fuel burning power plants."[3] Of course, if renewable energy
> > sources and energy efficiency and conservation programs were truly "cost
> > effective," producers would already be utilizing them in higher numbers
> > because it would make them more profitable. This clearly is not the case.
> > Forcing companies to invest significant amounts of their scarce resources
> on
> > more costly energy-production methods, which make up a relatively small
> > share of total energy production (for good reason), will only ensure that
> > costs ­ and, ultimately, consumers' electricity bills ­ remain higher
> than
> > necessary.
> >
> > As new technologies and energy-production methods are developed, this may
> > change, but for now, it is best for both producers and consumers to focus
> on
> > the most efficient means of producing energy. Of course, if consumers
> demand
> > "cleaner" energy, in a truly free market, producers will have an
> incentive
> > to provide it. Indeed, after Pennsylvania successfully implemented its
> > electricity deregulation effort in 1999 (without the pitfalls experienced
> by
> > California), 20 percent of consumers chose to switch to suppliers of
> "green
> > power," despite the fact that they had to pay a small premium to do so.
> > Proposition 80 eliminates this choice, instead demanding that all
> consumers
> > support the higher cost of investing more in renewable energy ­ whether
> they
> > want to
> > or not.
> >
> >
> > Misconceptions Over Electricity "Deregulation" in California
> >
> > Some blame deregulation for the rolling blackouts, soaring spot market
> > prices, and utility bankruptcies that sprang from the energy crisis of
> 2000
> > and 2001. But this anger is misplaced. California has never experienced
> true
> > deregulation. The "deregulation" implemented in 1996 left price controls
> in
> > place and created "artificial" markets ripe for manipulation and
> disparities
> > between supply and demand.
> >
> > By setting price caps below market prices, California limited the
> > profitability of the industry. When wholesale energy costs increased, the
> > price caps prevented energy producers from passing them on to consumers.
> > Wholesale prices rose dramatically for a number of reasons: natural gas
> > prices rose, hot weather in the Southwest increased demand, a relative
> lack
> > of water in the Northwest minimized the production of hydroelectric
> energy,
> > and pollution-control permits, which allow industrial companies that
> produce
> > less pollution than allowed by regulations to sell the difference as
> > "credits" to higher-pollution-producing companies, rose ten-fold, from $4
> to
> > $40.
> >
> > The price caps additionally discouraged potential producers from entering
> > the market and increasing competition, and they discouraged existing
> > producers from investing profits in adding capacity, of which
> Californians
> > were (and continue to be) in dire need. As a result of the price caps and
> > pressure from politicians and environmentalists, the building of plants
> and
> > transmission lines slowed dramatically and energy producers were not able
> to
> > keep up with demand, particularly in the Silicon Valley, where the
> booming
> > computer and "dot-com" industries led to even sharper increases in
> > electricity demand.
> >
> > After the big three investor-owned utilities ­ Pacific Gas & Electric,
> > Southern California Edison, and SEMPRA (San Diego Gas & Electric) ­ were
> > forced to sell many of their fossil-fuel-burning generators to private
> > firms, regulators prohibited them from entering into long-term contracts
> > with these firms, forcing them to rely upon the much more volatile
> > short-term and spot markets. In addition, California forced generators
> and
> > utilities to trade power through the Power Exchange, a state-run pool.
> >
> > While that requirement was designed to give every company the same
> wholesale
> > price for power, it also guaranteed that they would be unable to
> negotiate
> > lower-priced power on their own. The California rules essentially barred
> > utilities from buying power on the futures market, meaning they were
> unable
> > to lock in supplies and prices.[4]
> >
> > This is as if Wal-Mart and Marshall Field's were forced to acquire their
> > goods from a non-profit, state-run pool that would guarantee that they
> would
> > acquire the goods for the same price. Wal-Mart never would have been able
> to
> > develop its efficient and innovative purchasing and distribution system,
> > meaning it could not generate savings to pass on to customers in the form
> of
> > lower prices.
> >
> > At the time of the increase in wholesale prices, PG&E and Edison were
> still
> > in the deregulation "transition" period, and thus still subject to PUC
> rate
> > regulations. As a result, PG&E went bankrupt and Edison teetered on the
> edge
> > of insolvency. To add insult to injury, when the government stepped in to
> > purchase electricity on behalf of the struggling IOUs to try to quell the
> > crisis, not only did it do so at the height of the emergency, when energy
> > prices were highest, it locked in these prices with long-term contracts
> > costing billions of dollars.
> >
> >
> > The Natural Monopoly Justification for Regulation
> >
> > The main argument against the full privatization of public utilities such
> as
> > electricity and water service is that such industries are "natural
> > monopolies." That is, they require such high fixed costs (it is easier to
> > start a new restaurant than to invest in the infrastructure for a new
> > electric grid) that it is inefficient for there to exist more than one
> > producer in a particular location. This, it is feared, will lead the
> > producer to engage in price gouging.
> >
> > There are several problems with this rationale, not the least of which is
> > the notion that "public utilities" somehow constitute a unique set of
> goods
> > that must be "protected" by government intervention. As economist Murray
> > Rothbard noted in Power and Market:
> >
> > The very term "public utility" … is an absurd one. Every good is useful
> "to
> > the public," and almost every good … may be considered "necessary." Any
> > designation of a few industries as "public utilities" is completely
> > arbitrary and unjustified.[5]
> >
> > High capital costs certainly will limit the number of actual and
> potential
> > providers, but there is still a profit motive in a free market that
> creates
> > opportunities for lower-cost producers. In addition, it is important to
> note
> > that markets are not static; technological innovations may allow for
> > additional competition in the future.
> >
> > Another misconception opponents of free markets have concerns the very
> > understanding of the nature of competition. Even if there is only one
> > producer of a certain good or service in town, this does not mean that
> the
> > producer is "gouging" customers through monopolistic practices. Indeed,
> just
> > because he is the sole supplier today does not mean he will be the sole
> > supplier tomorrow. As economist Thomas J. DiLorenzo explains:
> >
> > If competition is viewed as a dynamic, rivalrous process of
> > entrepreneurship, then the fact that a single producer happens to have
> the
> > lowest costs at any one point in time is of little or no consequence. The
> > enduring forces of competition ­ including potential competition ­ will
> > render free-market monopoly an impossibility.[6]
> >
> > In other words, even if there happens to be only one current provider of
> a
> > particular good or service, in a free market that provider is held in
> check
> > by the mere threat of competition ­ if he charges prices that are too
> high
> > or provides poor service, there will be an incentive for a competitor to
> > come in and take market share from him by offering lower prices or better
> > service.
> >
> > The rules change, however, when government regulation erects barriers to
> > entry or otherwise suppresses competition. In addition to the many
> > government regulations purportedly enacted in the "public interest,"
> there
> > are numerous instances where private-sector businesses have been able to
> > successfully lobby policymakers to use the power of government to
> establish
> > barriers to competition and protect them from existing or potential
> rivals.
> > Unlike the free-market case, there is no possibility of these monopolists
> > losing out to lower-cost providers (barring the elimination of the
> > regulations), and they are able to "exploit" consumers. These are the
> truly
> > harmful monopolies. Thus, the only "bad" monopoly is a government-created
> or
> > government-preserved
> > monopoly.
> >
> >
> > Conclusions
> >
> > Proposition 80 would be a step backward for California. It would restrict
> > consumer choice, discourage competition, and impose more of the kinds of
> > regulations that got the California power industry into trouble in the
> first
> > place.
> >
> > As awful as Proposition 80 is, however, there is good news. It is
> trailing
> > in recent public opinion polls, and even if it should end up passing it
> is
> > likely to be discarded by the courts. It was removed from the ballot on
> July
> > 22 by the Court of Appeals in Sacramento because the court found that,
> > according to the state constitution, the PUC's authority can only be
> > increased by the Legislature, not by initiative. The initiative was
> restored
> > a few days later by the California Supreme Court, which did not offer an
> > opinion on the merits of the case but felt that the public should have
> the
> > chance to vote on the initiative before the legal challenge is heard. (Of
> > course, if voters reject the measure, this will be a moot point and the
> > courts will not have to waste their time on it ­ a fact that surely was
> not
> > lost on the Supreme Court.)
> >
> > Politicians and regulators forced a sham of a "deregulation" scheme upon
> the
> > energy industry in California, and then blamed the free market when it
> > inevitably failed! The problem was not too much free-market competition;
> it
> > was too much regulation (despite the "deregulation" doublespeak). The
> real
> > solution to California's energy problem is to eliminate price caps and
> all
> > government regulation, thereby removing barriers to entry, fostering
> > competition, offering consumers maximum choice, and affording providers
> the
> > greatest incentives to increase capacity and best serve their customers.
> >
> > Adam Summers is a policy analyst for the Reason Foundation
> > ([email protected]). Comment on the blog.
> >
> > [1] This option was suspended during the electricity crisis of 2000 and
> > 2001, but is scheduled to be reinstated when the last of the power
> contracts
> > signed on behalf of the IOUs by the Department of Water Resources expires
> in
> > 2015.
> >
> > [2] Carrie Peyton Dahlberg, "Electricity proposition crackles: Will
> prices
> > go up? Will it avert an energy crisis? It all depends on who's talking,"
> > Sacramento Bee, October 15, 2005,
> > http://www.sacbee.com/content/politics/story/13717834p-14560232c.html(free
> > registration required).
> >
> > [3] California Secretary of State, Official Voter Information Guide,
> > Statewide Special Election, November 8, 2005, p. 52,
> > http://www.ss.ca.gov/elections/bp_nov05/voter_info_pdf/entire80.pdf .
> >
> > [4] Terry Maxon, "Power Woes Unlikely in Texas, Officials Say," Dallas
> > Morning News, January 19, 2001, cited in Lynne Kiesling, "Getting
> > Electricity Deregulation Right: How Other States and Nations Have Avoided
> > California's Mistakes," Reason Foundation Policy Study No. 281, April
> 2001,
> > p. 18, http://www.reason.org/ps281.pdf.
> >
> > [5] Murray N. Rothbard, Power and Market: Government and the Economy,
> > (Kansas City: Sheed Andrews and McMeel, 1977), p. 76,
> > http://mises.org/rothbard/power&market.pdf. Now integrated into Man,
> > Economy, and State.
> >
> > [6] Thomas J. DiLorenzo, "The Myth of Natural Monopoly," The Review of
> > Austrian Economics, Vol. 9, No. 2 (1996), p. 44,
> > http://mises.org/journals/rae/pdf/rae9_2_3.pdf.
> >
> > http://mises.org/daily/1954
> >
> > --
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>
> --
> Together, we can change the world, one mind at a time.
> Have a great day,
> Tommy
>
> --
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